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2 december
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Emiel



Geregistreerd op: 22-7-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 02 Dec 2006 8:51    Onderwerp: 2 december Reageer met quote

1917 : Russia reaches armistice with the Central Powers
A day after Bolsheviks seize control of Russian military headquarters at Mogilev, a formal ceasefire is proclaimed throughout the battle zone between Russia and the Central Powers.

Immediately after their accession to power in Russia in November 1917, the Bolsheviks, led by Vladimir Lenin, had approached the Central Powers to arrange an armistice and withdraw from a war they saw as the major obstacle to their plan of providing food and land to the long-impoverished Russian peasant population. Leon Trotsky, in charge of foreign affairs, pressed Britain and France to open peace negotiations, threatening to make a separate armistice if his demands went unmet. After no response from the Allies, the Bolsheviks went ahead with their plan and made an appeal for peace that was welcomed by both Germany and Austria.

As a result of the ensuing negotiations at Brest-Litovsk, concluded in March 1918 after three months of debate and even renewed fighting in some areas, Russia would lose a million square miles of its territory, a third of its population, a majority of its coal, oil, and iron stores, and much of its industry. Lenin insisted that his Congress of Soviets accept the “shameful peace,” as he called it, “in order to save the world revolution” and “its only foothold – the Soviet Republic.”


www.history.com
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patten



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BerichtGeplaatst: 02 Dec 2006 9:42    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

beste emiel en zo konden de duitsers al hun troepen van het oosten naar het westen verplaatsen en er hun laatste offensief starten tegen de geallieerden met de bijna rampzalige gevolgen voor deze
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patrick vancoillie
laat ons de belgische gesneuvelde soldaten nooit vergeten wat er ook moge gebeuren...... diksmuide...merkem....nieuwpoort ..... de ijzer !!!
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Percy Toplis



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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Dec 2010 18:51    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

The destruction of Chang Fort.

(...) Colonel Hayward’s 2nd Nigerian Regiment seized Muyuka on the 13th November. Major General C.M. Dobell, the Allied commander in the Cameroons, then ordered Colonel Gorges to clear the Northern Railway, and a force was assembled at Muyuka on 2nd December 1914.

Colonel Gorges was allocated a 12-pounder gun and two machine gun teams from the Royal Navy, the Nigerian artillery battery and a section of the Gold Coast Artillery, a Field Section Royal Engineers, the 1st and 2nd Nigeria Regiments, half of the Gold Coast Pioneer Company and various administrative detachments. Captain Butler was serving with the Gold Coast pioneers. (...)

http://www.kaiserscross.com/188001/264701.html
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Percy Toplis



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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Dec 2010 18:53    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

The Emperor Nicholas II- As I Knew Him - Diary in Russia 1914

2nd December 1914. - The Emperor told me of the death of poor Prince Nicolas Radziwill, who came across from England with me, and as we were walking on deck talking of old S. African days, prophesied to me his own death, and that the next great war would be between us and Russia. God forbid!

General Oba of Japan is a great favourite with us all, and told me that last night he had nightmare because I took him for such a long walk.

I spread the report that he had seen the Kaiser with his moustaches turned up, a yellow mouse sitting on one end and a pink mouse on the other. This amused him much, and he greets me in the morning with 'Bon jour, pas de souris jaunes hier soir, n'est ce pas ?"

All delighted with the news of Admiral Sturdee's victory.

The Emperor, discussing the talking of other languages but one's own, asked me if I was in India when a well-known Governor, having to speak on one occasion in French, referred to the term of service he had passed in the British Government as 'Quand j'e'tais dans le cabinet.'

I knew the Governor to whom he referred.

http://www.alexanderpalace.org/hanbury/1914.html
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- F. Scott Fitzgerald
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Percy Toplis



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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Dec 2010 18:56    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Kroniek van Baarle in de Eerste Wereldoorlog (1914)

2 december 1914 - “Onze kruideniers en bakkers kunnen door den oorlog geen eetwaren voor den plaatselijken verkoop uit België ontvangen en thans verzetten de ambtenaren van douanen te Baarle-Nassau zich tegen alle invoer van eetwaar vanuit Nederland. Het militair gezag in Baarle-Nassau echter neemt door de uitzonderlijke ligging van Baerle-Hertog genoegen met de invoer van eetwaren, op voorwaarde dat die zou geschieden onder toezicht van den Majoor te Baarle-Nassau en den burgemeester van Baerle-Hertog. De invoer zou berekend zijn naar gelang de bevolking waardoor alle fraude onmogelijk wordt. Onze kruideniers en bakkers onderwerpen zich aan de Nederlandse wetten. De bakkers van Baerle-Hertog, vijf in getal tegen vier van Baarle-Nassau, leveren minstens 2/3de van hun producten aan inwoners van Baarle-Nassau. Bij deze komen wij U zeer beleefd vragen bovengenoemde neringdoeners op gelijke voet te willen stellen met die van Baarle-Nassau om in de noodwendigheden van beide Baarles te kunnen voorzien.” (Gemeentearchief Baarle-Hertog; burgemeester van Gilse aan de Minister van Geldwezen in ‘s Gravenhage, 2.073.564 Register van Briefwisseling)

http://www.amaliavansolms.org/joomla15/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=187:05-kroniek-van-baarle-in-de-eerste-wereldoorlog-1914&catid=90:oorlog&Itemid=118
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- F. Scott Fitzgerald
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Percy Toplis



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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Dec 2010 18:57    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Liebknecht against war credits

On 2 December 1914, the Reichstag approves the assumption of war credits for the second time since the outbreak of war in August. The social democrat Karl Liebknecht is the only representative to vote against the proposal. The day after that, the party’s executive committee censures his conduct. However, in the following months the number of war opponents in the SPD fraction increases, and other representatives join Liebknecht in voting against war credits.

http://www.bwbs.de/bwbs_biografie/Liebknecht_against_war_credits_B666.html

'If You Do Not Follow the Order You Will Be Shot' - New facts about the murder of Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg

(...) At the beginning of the First World War he did not initially break with the discipline of the Social-Democratic Party, voting for war credits on August 4th, 1914. Liebknecht soon corrected his position and on 2nd December, 1914 he cast the sole vote against war credits. In a statement which was submitted to the Chairman of the Reichstag he characterised the war as one of annexation. This document was later circulated as an illegal leaflet. Even when drafted to the front, Liebknecht skilfully utilised his membership of the Prussian and Reichstag Chambers to continue the struggle. (...)

http://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/rdv5n1/luxembrg.htm
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“I hope you live a life you are proud of. If you find that you are not, l hope you have the strength to start all over again.
- F. Scott Fitzgerald


Laatst aangepast door Percy Toplis op 02 Dec 2019 9:05, in totaal 1 keer bewerkt
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Percy Toplis



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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Dec 2010 19:03    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Lezing A. Reijngoudt over Belgische vluchtelingen in 1914 naar Nederland:

(...) Bij de bouw van het barakkenkamp werd te Harderwijk door de geïnterneerden meegeholpen. Dat gebeurde niet helemaal vrijwillig, schreef De Jaegher:

Zoo zag men den eenen na den anderen tusschen de tenten wegsluipen totdat er eindelijk niemand meer op het werk overschoot. Dit bracht ook somtijds een klein opstootje teweeg, maar het werd altijd in der minne geschikt en door belooften van te mogen uitgaan trachtten zijn ons weder aan den gang te krijgen. Ook ondervonden de hollandsche officieren rap dat ze met schoone woorden op ons het meeste wonnen en het was ook met groote beleefdheid dat zij ons altijd aanspraken.

[In Kamp Zeist ging het er anders aan toe. De stemming onder de geïnterneerden was daar door allerlei oorzaken erg negatief en opstandig. Op 2 december 1914 kwam het tot een uitbarsting. De kantine werd geplunderd en vandalisme vierde hoogtij. De Nederlandse bewaking werd uitgejouwd en uitgedaagd: Schiet maar, Kwattasoldaatjes.

Dat gebeurde de dag erop inderdaad. De Kwattasoldaatjes schoten na nieuwe provocaties met scherp, met als verschrikkelijk resultaat: acht doden en achttien gewonden.

Door deze traumatische ervaring was de stemming in Kamp Zeist waarschijnlijk voorgoed bedorven.] (...)

Helemaal lezen! http://www.ssew.nl/lezing-reijngoudt-over-belgische-vluchtelingen-1914-nederland
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Percy Toplis



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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Dec 2010 19:10    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

George Victor Wilde: Gallipoli Participant [1]

On 29 May 1915 Thorton Richard Wilde, the caretaker of the Cheltenham Hall, was writing to the Minister of Defence regarding malicious rumours circulating in the district about his son who had been serving with Australian forces at Gallipoli. [1] Mr Wilde asked the Minister if there was any way that the despicable individual who was creating mischief could be made to justify his statements. The rumour circulating was that George Victor Wilde, his sergeant stripes removed, had been sent home in disgrace to be imprisoned in the barracks at Queenscliff. [2] The truth, the father wrote, was that Sergeant Wilde had been slightly wounded at the Dardanelles. The reply from the Minister’s office was that it was regrettable that the Department could not suggest any means by which the person spreading the rumour could be dealt with except perhaps by recourse to civil action.

George Victor Wilde, born in Richmond, was a twenty-five year old single man employed as a motor mechanic when the First World War erupted in 1914. The assassination on 28 June of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria was seen as the event that triggered the war but it was the invasion of Belgium and France by Germany on 4 August 1914 that saw the beginning of the military conflict. Within a fortnight of that date the 5th Battalion of the Australian Army was raised and it was on the 17 August 1914 that George Wilde enlisted at Ripponlea, making him a very early volunteer. He had some experience of military life having been a member of the 47th Infantry 3rd Division in the colonial forces holding the rank of sergeant. After a short training period at Broadmeadows he left with his fellow members of the Fifth Battalion, H Company, for Egypt on the HMAT Orvieto. They arrived in Egypt on 2 December 1914 and four months later took part in the ‘second wave’ landing at Gallipoli. Shortly after the landing, on 25 April 1915, he received a gunshot wound to the left shoulder and to the right of the back. [3] The wound was reported as not being life threatening but he was transferred at first to Mustapha and subsequently to the general hospital in Alexandria. A short time then followed in a convalescent home at Ras-al-tin, in Alexandria’s neighbourhood, before he was placed with Base Administration at Mudros on the island of Lemnos in August 1915. At the beginning of the next year he returned to his unit.

In August of 1916 he joined the Second Training Battalion in England. Then followed different assignments at military establishments in England. One was at Tidworth in south east Wiltshire on the eastern edge of Salisbury Plain. It was probably while there in the Overseas Training Brigade that he met Matilda Eleanor Key and married her on 2 June 1917 in Middlesex. At the time her address was given as 3 Cockerton, Warminster, Wiltshire. Ten months following his marriage George was back in France and fighting the Germans with his comrades in the 5th Battalion.

Returning to the question of rumour, it is not known what motivated the rumourmonger back in Cheltenham. Each rumour often has a ‘smidgin of truth’ which makes it more believable but the truth is wrapped in a lie or a series of lies. It was true that George wore the three stripes of a sergeant and they had been taken away but he had not been sent back to Melbourne. Why this demotion occurred is not recorded in his army records but on 22 December 1914 only twenty days after his arrival in Egypt he was classified as a private and transferred to a new company in the Fifth Battalion. On 15 January 1917 he was restored to the rank of sergeant (temporary) while a member of Headquarters AIF in England. At the time of his wedding in June 1917 his rank was given as sergeant but on 16 March 1918 he once more reverted to the rank of private. Again there is no comment in his record of why this occurred. A few weeks later he rejoined his unit in France where he fought to halt the German offensive at Hazebrouck. On the 14 June 1918 Private George Victor Wilde was dead.

The circumstances surrounding his death were reported by several members of the 5th Battalion. He was a member of a fatigue party carrying ammunition to the front line. It was about midnight when the Germans commenced shelling. A high velocity shell exploded near him, instantly killing him and a companion. One witness said a leg had been blown off and he was badly knocked about. Another soldier confirmed the damaged state of the body. The stretcher bearers removed the body the next day and he was buried in La Kreule British Military Cemetery between Hazebrouck and Borre. Several soldiers reported seeing the grave over which a cross had been erected showing his name, number and unit. [4]

His death was reported in the Moorabbin News, 14 September 1918. Later his name was included in the Roll of Honour placed in the church of St Matthew’s Cheltenham along with nine others who gave their lives, and forty nine others who served in the 1914-1918 conflict. His name is also recorded on the broken granite column in the memorial park behind the RSL building in Centre Dandenong Road, Cheltenham.

Footnotes
1. National Archives of Australia – Records Australian Military Forces.
2. Moorabbin News, 29 May 1915.
3. National Archives of Australia - Casualty Records.
4. Australian Red Cross Society Wounded and Missing Enquiry Bureau Files – 867 Private George Victor Wilde.


http://localhistory.kingston.vic.gov.au/htm/article/494.htm
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- F. Scott Fitzgerald


Laatst aangepast door Percy Toplis op 02 Dec 2019 9:04, in totaal 1 keer bewerkt
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Percy Toplis



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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Dec 2010 19:13    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

1916 in baseball

December 2 - 1916 - Under pressure from the Players League, the National Commission orders that injured players shall get full pay for the duration of their contracts. The injury clause previously let clubs suspend players after 15 days pay.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1916_in_baseball
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- F. Scott Fitzgerald
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Percy Toplis



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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Dec 2010 19:15    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

In Pursuit of Pancho Villa 1916-1917

(...) An example of the service of one of the Georgia National Guard units deployed to the border is revealed in the reports of the 2nd Squadron Cavalry. The unit departed Camp Harris at Macon, Georgia on October 25, 1916 and arrived at Fort Bliss, Texas (Map 2) on November 1, 1916. At Fort Bliss, they underwent a month of mounted training until Then, the squadron left on December 1, 1916 for field duty at Fabens , Texas (Map 2) with three officers and 70 men, 79 horses, 2 transport wagons, and eight mules. The group marched 32 miles to Fabens finally reaching there at 1:40 p.m. on December 2, 1916. They performed border patrol with the 1st Kentucky Infantry and from December 16 on with the 2nd Kentucky Infantry. The squadron left Fort Bliss, Texas at 1a.m. on March 22, 1917 with three officers and 77 men, two wagons and full equipment. They arrived at home station, Atlanta, Georgia at 1p.m., March 27, 1917. The distance traveled was 1,700 miles. (...)

http://www.hsgng.org/pages/pancho.htm
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“I hope you live a life you are proud of. If you find that you are not, l hope you have the strength to start all over again.
- F. Scott Fitzgerald


Laatst aangepast door Percy Toplis op 02 Dec 2019 9:04, in totaal 1 keer bewerkt
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Percy Toplis



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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Dec 2010 19:21    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Indian Soldiers in World Wars

Letters from the trench:The views of two wounded Indian soldiers in British hospitals extracted from Censor of Indian Mails:

"Government has made excellent arrangements for the sick and wounded. There is no trouble of any kind. We pass our days in joyful ease while government showers benefits upon us. We bless God continuously and pray for his bounty." (From a wounded soldier at York Place Hospital, 10 November 1915.)

"Alas we are not free to go about at will. In fact we Indians are treated like prisoners. On all sides there is barbed-wire and a sentry stands at each door. Leave London out of the question; we cannot even get to see New Milton properly. If I had known that such a state of affairs would exist, I would never have come. If you ask me the truth, I can say that I have never experienced such hardship in all my life. True, we are well fed, and are given plenty of clothing but the essential thing -- freedom - is denied. Convicts in India are sent to Andaman Islands; but we have found our convict station here in England." (From another soldier 2 December 1915).

http://www.bl.uk/reshelp/findhelpsubject/history/history/asiansinbritain/indiansoldiersinworldwars/indiansoldiers.html
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Percy Toplis



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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Dec 2010 19:23    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Of all the bastards of places

You must not imagine that life in one of these year-long modern battles consists of continuous bomb fighting, bayoneting and bombarding all the time … [the] chief occupation is the digging of mile upon mile of endless sap [trench], of sunken road … The carrying of biscuit boxes and building timbers for hours daily … the sweeping and disinfecting of trenches in the never ending battle against flies – this is the soldier's life for nine days out of ten in a modern battle.
[Charles Bean, dispatch, Commonwealth of Australia Gazette, 2 December 1915, p.3058]

http://www.anzacsite.gov.au/2visiting/walk_07artillery.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Dec 2010 19:26    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

The British Presence in Southern Patagonia - Death Announcements from "The Magellan Times" (1914-1918)

We regret to hear that Mr. Fred Wood, who was for some years administering the Sociedad Explotadora's farm at Rio Maclelland, has been killed in action, in Flanders. [2 December 1915]

We also have to announce the death of Mr. J. V. H. Marsters who fell in battle like a gallant man, fighting for his Country's freedom against an unscrupulous foe. [2 December 1915]

http://patbrit.org/bil/mt/obit-191x.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Dec 2010 19:28    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Albert Meyer

Albert Meyer was the penultimate spy executed at The Tower of London during World War One. At the time his arrest, Albert Meyer was 22 years old, described as 5 feet 7 inches tall.

He had worked in Hamburg, Seville and Pamplona before arriving in the UK during June 1914, started working as a cook at Cabins Ltd, Oxford Street, London. He then worked as a waiter in Blackpool, before returning to live in various lodging in London's Soho area. He tended to move around, as he kept making promises about paying his rent to his various landladies, but not usually paying it.

On 22 March 1915, Meyer asked for permission to travel to Copenhagen via Flushing and Germany, stating that he was Dutch, with Dutch parents born in Constantinople. Although his request was investigated, he was allowed to leave the country. He returned to the UK during May 1915, and moved into lodgings in the Soho area. On 20 May 1915, Albert Meyer married Catherine Rebecca Godleman at St. Pancras Registry Office.

The British Security Services intercepted another letter sent to a suspicious address in The Hague, Holland. When the letter was examined, it was found to have a message written in invisible ink. The message is shown below:

I hope that you have received my first letter. I have been to Chatham. The Royal Dockyard is closed entirely, but I got in in spite of all. There are a few cruisers there and a lot of guns as well as destroyers, for instance, Duncan, 2nd classs, 14000 tons, Lowestoft, 3rd class, Boadicea, Lance, Pembroke, Wilder and Actaeon etc.

The mouth of the Thames is guarded by steel like the Humber, but even more so. The ships pass at night and this is indicated from a watch boat through three vertically arranged red lanterns.

I have described to you the state of affairs here in London. A wounded Territorial told me in the course of a conversation that one German is worth twelve of Kitchener's men. There are many boys of 16 and 17 amongst them. They make enough effort and advertise in order to get soldiers. At every street corner, theatre and cinema, people are challenged to join [at this point in WWI, the UK did not have conscription].

The Government appeals to women and young girls to persuade their boyfriends and husbands. Ammunition is made everywhere. At Dartford a large metal factory has been turned into an ammunition factory and here every small metal workshop is making ammunition.

In order to get soldiers, the proprietors of shops have been asked to dismiss certain people and when the employees try to find positions somewhere else they are refused and they are asked, why do you not join the Army? People are forced in this country.

So far I have not been able to find out anything important, but it will come time time.

Yours truly,

(sgd.) Svend Person


Meyer also sent information which was completely incorrect and verged on utter rubbish, and not the sort of information that you would have expected to be supplied by a professional and dedicated German spy.

Late in August 1915, another suspicious letter was intercepted by the British Security Services. Although the letter was allowed to continue, the Security Services decided to act. Meyer and his wife were both arrested, although his wife was released as she was not involved in her husband's activities.

Albert Meyer was tried by courts-martial held at Middlesex Guildhall on 5-6 November 1915. He was found guilty and sentenced to death by shooting. Meyer's appeal was rejected. The Danish Embassy denied that Meyer was a Danish subject, and it appears that he was either German or Turkish.

At 7.45am on 2 December 1915, Albert Meyer was shot by a firing squad composed of soldiers from the 3rd Battalion Scots Guards. The following is an account of the execution:

It was fully expected, judging by his demeanour during the period he was waiting to be shot, that he would prove awkward, but nothing untoward happened until the morning of the execution. When the dread summons came in the cold dawn he was then in an hysterical state and when escorted from his cell suddenly burst into a wild effort to sing "Tipperary". His guard attempted to silence him, but all in vain.

He stopped on reaching the miniature rifle range where he was to be shot and cast a raving eye at the chair standing in the middle. Then he burst into a torrent of blasphemous cursing, reviling his Maker and calling down the vengeance of Heaven on those who had deserted him. Struggling fiercely with this stalwart guard, he was forcibly placed in the chair and strapped tightly in. Before the bullets of the firing party could reach him he had torn the bandage from his eyes, and died in a contorted mass, shouting curses at his captors, which were only stilled by the bullets.


http://www.stephen-stratford.co.uk/albert_meyer.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Dec 2010 19:30    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Pte.George Samuel Knight

309 Pte.George Samuel Knight, 1st Bn. Newfoundland Regiment. From St.John's, Newfoundland (where he was a member of the ‘Methodist Guards Brigade'), George was born in 1894 and ,like Hubert Ebsary, enlisted into the Newfoundland Regiment on September 7th 1914. After spending some time in the UK, he was also sent to Egypt as part of the 29th Division on August 20th 1915 before landing at Suvla Bay, Gallipoli on September 20th. Killed in action at Suvla on December 2nd 1915, george is now buried in Azmak Cemetery, Suvla.

http://www.westernfrontassociation.com/great-war-people/remember-on-this-day/1573-dec-2010-dump-text.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Dec 2010 19:35    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Werner Voss

Eiserne Kreuz 1 - EK1 (Iron Cross, 1st Class), Awarded on or about: 2 December, 1916
Voss received the EKI for his first two aerial victories which occurred on 27 November, 1916.
Most Jasta pilots received the EK2 upon confirmation of the first aerial victory and would typically get the EKI around their fifth aerial victory. However, it was common practice to give the EK1 for a first aerial victory if the pilot had already earned the EK2, rather than have him wait until he achieved five victories. It probably had more to do with building confidence than anything else.
The EK1, was identical in every way to the EK2 except that it did not have the neck ribbon. Instead it was affixed to the uniform with a pin clasp . It was was worn on the left breast pocket.

http://blindkat.hegewisch.net/voss/gefreiter.html
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- F. Scott Fitzgerald


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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Dec 2010 19:40    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Evening Post, Volume XCII, Issue 133, 2 December 1916

http://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/cgi-bin/paperspast?a=d&d=EP19161202.2.20.4
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Dec 2010 19:43    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Jack London's "Credo"

I would rather be ashes than dust!
I would rather that my spark should burn out
in a brilliant blaze than it should be stifled by dry-rot.
I would rather be a superb meteor, every atom
of me in magnificent glow, than a sleepy and permanent planet.
The function of man is to live, not to exist.
I shall not waste my days trying to prolong them.
I shall use my time.


Did Jack London actually write these words? No extant copy is available in his own handwriting or in any of his publications.

The source above comes from a book edited by Irving Shepard, Jack London's Tales of Adventure (New York: Doubleday, 1956), p. vii. Shepard was London's literary executor following Charmian London's death. He had grown up on the ranch, having been the only son of Jack's stepsister, Eliza London Shepard.

A more contemporary source appeared in a news article which may have been Shepard's source. Journalist Ernest J. Hopkins had visited the ranch just weeks before London's death, and reported the following in the San Francisco Bulletin, 2 December 1916:

"'I would rather be ashes than [sic] said Jack London not two months before his death, to a group of friends with whom he was discussing, as he loved to discuss, the eternal problems of life and living.

'I would rather be ashes than dust.' The words, with their strange double significance, are now recalled with emotion by those friends. When he made that striking summary of his personal philosophy, London was marvelously alive. He irradiated vigor. Every breath that he drew was to him a brilliant sensation. Every moment of his time was crammed with events. he was in love with life--an[d] with vitality--ablaze with the joy and the poignancy and the overwhelming interest of "The Game."

Let there be no misunderstanding of his phrase. Jack London did not mean to say that, after death, he would prefer the ashes of cremation to the dust of ordinary burial. Nothing was further from him than the thought that he himself was, as he put it, soon to 'go into the silence.' Of all the ardent group that heard him on that occasion, he was the most alive. Beside him all other men seemed colorless. But he was talking about life, not about death. He was giving his law of conduct, not his preference in funeral customs.

'I would rather be ashes than dust. I would rather that my spark should burn out in a brilliant blaze than that it should be stifled by dry-rot. I would rather be a superb meteor, every atom of me in magnificent glow, than a sleepy and permanent planet. The proper function of man is to LIVE. I shall not waste my days trying to prolong them. I shall use my time.'

'I would rather be ashes than dust.' In those words London perfectly expressed himself. Never content to do his thinking by halves, upon that instinct for supreme activity he constructed a philosophy that was consistent, if unusual. Absorbed in today, he could not envisage a hereafter. Enthusiastic over tangible facts and present sensations, he believed that ease was cowardice; that the stronger must over conquer the weaker; that intellectuality divorced from action was wasted an futile; that man and the animals were of one nature, man having no quality that was not rudimentarily present in horses and dogs; that after death the human being was 'just meat.' Amid these tangible ideas there was room for race-memories, but not for superstitions. There was room for violent work, intense play, fierce fighting, mad adventure, thoughtful planning, but not for pretty dreaming, not for dogma, not for detached theorization. His thought was essentially practical...."


http://london.sonoma.edu/credo.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Dec 2010 19:45    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Mexborough and Swinton Times, 2 December 1916

Mrs Hackett was asked by the “Times” representative what were her feelings upon learning that her husband had risen to such a height of heroism. “Well”, she said, “I knew he was no coward. I could never understand the doctors rejecting him on account of his heart. There wasn’t much wrong with that, was there? He was always after joining the Army, and I know he tried hard to get into the York and Lancaster Regiment. Only a few weeks before he enlisted, he got cut across the back by a fall of roof in the Manvers Main mine, and had a very narrow escape from death, so the deputy afterwards told me. The deputy wanted him to be taken home at once, but he refused saying he would work the shift out because his missus would be upset if she thought he had been hurt so badly that he had to give up work before the shift was up. That’s the sort of man he was. I can just imagine what he would think when he was down in the mine where he met his death. He would think when he heard that another poor fellow was fastened up in there: “What would my feelings be if I was lying helpless and nobody would stay with me. I must go to him, even if we both go under”.

http://www.tunnellersmemorial.com/WilliamHackettVC.htm
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“I hope you live a life you are proud of. If you find that you are not, l hope you have the strength to start all over again.
- F. Scott Fitzgerald


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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Dec 2010 19:47    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

2 December 1917 - 'Six o'clock swill' begins

Six p.m. closing of pubs was introduced as a 'temporary' wartime measure. It ushered in what became know as the 'six o'clock swill', as patrons aimed to get their fill before closing time. The practice lasted for the next 50 years.

Since the 1880s the campaign for the prohibition of alcohol had developed into a powerful mass movement. Supporters promoted sobriety as a ‘patriotic duty’ during wartime, and in 1915 and 1916 close to 160,000 New Zealanders signed petitions calling for six o'clock closing. The government agreed to restrict opening hours in order to increase efficiency in the wartime workforce. In 1918 six o'clock closing became permanent.

The liquor trade offered surprisingly little resistance. Its members felt that reduced hours of sale had ‘drawn some of the sting out of the wider Prohibition movement' and was preferable to a total ban. In a special referendum held in April 1919, and again at the general election in December 1919, national prohibition was only narrowly defeated. The cause continued to enjoy strong support at the polls throughout the 1920s.

Six o'clock closing became a part of the New Zealand way of life. In the short period between the end of the working day and closing time at the pub, large numbers of men crowded together to drink as much beer as they could before the so-called ‘supping-up’ time of 15 minutes was announced. While early closing was promoted as a way of ensuring that men got home to their families at a respectable hour, critics questioned the condition in which most men returned. Concerns about binge drinking in New Zealand culture have been attributed to the fact that six o'clock closing taught two generations of Kiwi men to drink as fast as possible.

The measure was decisively endorsed in a referendum in 1949. The first signs of a change in attitude began to appear in the 1960s when the expanding restaurant industry questioned laws that made it difficult to sell alcohol with meals. People socialising at the local sports club or RSA also sought a change to opening hours. As the number of tourists to New Zealand increased following the arrival of jet air travel, six o'clock closing was increasingly seen as an outdated concept.

In 1966 the Licensing Control Commission stated that a uniform law for hours of sale in all places was ‘neither equitable, enforceable, nor in the public interest’. A second national referendum in September 1967 saw nearly 64% of voters support the adoption of ten o'clock closing.

http://www.nzhistory.net.nz/timeline/02/12
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Dec 2010 19:51    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Harry G. E. Luchford

Captain Harry George Ernest Luchford MC (28 October 1894 - 2 December 1917) was an English World War I pilot credited with 24 victories. He was notable for scoring his first 11 victories in three months[1] while piloting an obsolete double-seated FE.2 pusher aircraft. (...)

Although born in India, Luchford was living in Bromley, Kent and working as a bank clerk when he enlisted in the military. He served successively in the Norfolk Regiment, the Army Service Corps, and the Indian Cavalry Division before his transition into the Royal Flying Corps in January 1916.

By May, Luchford had qualified to be a pilot with 20 Squadron. He scored his first win on 13 June 1917, with James Tennant as his observer. On 29 June, in a mid-day clash with Jasta 8, Luchford set an Albatros afire. He then scored steadily throughout July, totting up seven more wins over enemy fighter planes in the month. Luchford scored twice more in August, then changed mounts to the two-seated Bristol F.2 Fighter. Flying with a number of different observers such as Richard Hill, Victor White, and William Benger, Luchford was credited with 13 more triumphs between 9 September and 21 October 1917.

He was killed in action by Walter von Bülow-Bothkamp on 2 December 1917.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harry_G._E._Luchford
Afbeelding (en aanvullende tekst): http://www.theaerodrome.com/aces/england/luchford.php
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- F. Scott Fitzgerald


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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Dec 2010 19:52    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

SM UB-81

SM UB-81 was a German Type UB III U-boat of the Kaiserliche Marine during World War I.

Her keel was laid down on 5 January 1917, by AG Weser, of Bremen-Vegesack and commissioned on 18 September 1917.[3].

On the night of 30 November/1 December 1917 she torpedoed and sank the 3,218 ton British steamer Molesey 12 miles west-south-west of the Brighton Light Vessel.[4]

She was mined on the night of 2 December 1917 to the south-east of the Isle of Wight. The crew of 34, commanded by Oberleutnant zur See Reinhold Saltzwedel, managed to raise the forward torpedo tubes above the surface and 7 escaped before a collision occurred with a British patrol boat and she sank.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/SM_UB-81
Zie ook http://pernsac.org.uk/Newsletter171.pdf
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- F. Scott Fitzgerald


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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Dec 2010 19:55    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Understanding the Truth, Issue 57, December 2, 1918

Description: Têgeyştinî Rastî (Understanding the truth) was a semiweekly newspaper published by the command of the British army in Iraq in 1918–19. At the time, Britain was at war with the Ottoman Empire, which had ruled Iraq since the 16th century. When British forces began advancing north toward the Iraqi Kurdistan region in the spring of 1918, the paper became the mouthpiece of the British Empire, propagandizing in support of British positions when dealing with political, social, and cultural issues. The paper sold for one ana, or four fils, a very small amount at the time. The paper’s headquarters was in Baghdad, on present-day Nahr Street, in the same building as the Jareedet Al-Arab newspaper. The paper’s masthead contained no mention of the names of the owners, editor-in-chief, or editorial board, and articles were not published under bylines. It is known, however, that a Major Soane was the editor-in-chief, and that he prepared the entire paper for publication. Soane had mastered Kurdish, and he was assisted in his work by the poet and literary figure, Shukri Fadhli. Intended to serve as a media and propaganda arm for mobilizing the Kurds against the Ottoman Turks, Têgeyştinî Rastî attacked the Ottoman Empire in its news stories and articles. It also used the glorification of Islam and the promotion of Kurdish national feelings to try to win the hearts and minds of the Kurdish people. It went so far as to publish the names of several British officers who had converted to Islam and adopted Islamic names. The paper took a hostile stance toward the October Revolution in Russia; tried to appeal to tribal leaders, elders, and other leaders with influence in the Kurdish community; and depicted the British army as a liberator of the Kurds from Ottoman control. It promoted Kurdish literature and the poetry of Al-Haj Qadir Al-Koobi and Nali Rimhawi Ka, and it was the first Kurdish paper to write about the history and origins of the Kurdish people.

Afbeelding op https://www.wdl.org/en/item/3333/
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- F. Scott Fitzgerald


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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Dec 2010 19:59    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

"For the Faith and Loyalty" - Three Hundred Years of the Russian Imperial Guards

(...) During the seditious years of the later part of his reign Nicholas II restored the original function of the life-guard troops - guarding of the sovereign. The unrest in a state and the insulting defeat in the Russo-Japanese war brought about a number of changes. These included the reform of the guard uniform: the guardsman in the full dress looked like the hero of the Patriotic war of 1812. New golden and silver lace were conferred on the eleven guard units. But the new uniform was fated to live for only a short period of time: in 1914 the Guards took it off forever.
Being thrown in the crucible of the World War I the Russian Imperial Guards was ruined even before the fall of the Russian Empire.

On 2 December, 1917 the last senior officer of the Life-guard Preobrazhensky regiment Alexander Kutepov gave an order to disband the first regiment of the Russian Imperial Guards. To follow this all the other regiments were also disbanded. Most of the officers moved to the Don River where the Voluntary Army was being formed. The Civil war was waiting for those who survived the World War I. (...)

http://www.hermitagemuseum.org/html_En/04/b2003/hm4_1_k.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Dec 2010 20:02    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Nieuwe Rotterdamsche Courant, 2 december 1918
Bron: Koninklijke Bibliotheek

Armenië

PARIJS, 1 December. (Reuter.) De nationale Armenische delegatie alhier heeft de onafhankelijkheid van het vereenigd Armenië uitgeroepen, Cilicia inbegrepen.

LONDEN, 30 November. (Reuter.) Van Armenische zijde verneemt Reuter, dat er uit Bagdad bericht is ontvangen, dat, volgens mededeelingen van vluchtelingen en ooggetuigen, die pas uit Turkije ontsnapt zijn, alle verbannen Armeniërs door de Turksche regeering ter dood zijn gebracht, in anticipatie op den wapenstilstand. Men zal zich herinneren, dat in het wapenstilstandsverdrag tusschen de geallieerden en Turkije bepaald was, dat alle Armenische ballingen te Konstantinopel bijeengebracht en aan de geallieerden overgegeven zouden worden. Er is tot nu toe geen spoor ontdekt van de Armenische notabelen, die gedeporteerd werden, toen Turkije den oorlog verklaarde.

http://www.agindepers.nl/kwestie/NRC-2-12-1918.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Dec 2010 20:05    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Kroniek van Baarle in de Eerste Wereldoorlog (1918)

2 december 1918 - “Vanaf heden zijn in Tilburg alle publieke vermakelijkheden weer toegestaan, die in verband met de oorlogsomstandigheden verboden waren.” (Tilburgse Courant)

http://www.amaliavansolms.org/joomla/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=191:09-kroniek-van-baarle-in-de-eerste-wereldoorlog-1918&catid=90:oorlog&Itemid=118
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Dec 2010 20:07    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

State of the Union Address: Woodrow Wilson (December 2, 1918)

GENTLEMEN OF THE CONGRESS:

The year that has elapsed since I last stood before you to fulfil my constitutional duty to give to the Congress from time to time information on the state of the Union has been so crowded with great events, great processes, and great results that I cannot hope to give you an adequate picture of its transactions or of the far-reaching changes which have been wrought of our nation and of the world. You have yourselves witnessed these things, as I have. It is too soon to assess them; and we who stand in the midst of them and are part of them are less qualified than men of another generation will be to say what they mean, or even what they have been. But some great outstanding facts are unmistakable and constitute, in a sense, part of the public business with which it is our duty to deal. To state them is to set the stage for the legislative and executive action which must grow out of them and which we have yet to shape and determine.

A year ago we had sent 145,918 men overseas. Since then we have sent 1,950,513, an average of 162,542 each month, the number in fact rising, in May last, to 245,951, in June to 278,760, in July to 307,182, and continuing to reach similar figures in August and September, in August 289,570 and in September 257,438. No such movement of troops ever took place before, across three thousand miles of sea, followed by adequate equipment and supplies, and carried safely through extraordinary dangers of attack,-dangers which were alike strange and infinitely difficult to guard against. In all this movement only seven hundred and fifty-eight men were lost by enemy attack, six hundred and thirty of whom were upon a single English transport which was sunk near the Orkney Islands.

I need not tell you what lay back of this great movement of men and material. It is not invidious to say that back of it lay a supporting organization of the industries of the country and of all its productive activities more complete, more thorough in method and effective in result, more spirited and unanimous in purpose and effort than any other great belligerent had been able to effect. We profited greatly by the experience of the nations which had already been engaged for nearly three years in the exigent and exacting business, their every resource and every executive proficiency taxed to the utmost. We were their pupils. But we learned quickly and acted with a promptness and a readiness of cooperation that justify our great pride that we were able to serve the world with unparalleled energy and quick accomplishment.

But it is not the physical scale and executive efficiency of preparation, supply, equipment and despatch that I would dwell upon, but the mettle and quality of the officers and men we sent over and of the sailors who kept the seas, and the spirit of the nation that stood behind them. No soldiers or sailors ever proved themselves more quickly ready for the test of battle or acquitted themselves with more splendid courage and achievement when put to the test. Those of us who played some part in directing the great processes by which the war was pushed irresistibly forward to the final triumph may now forget all that and delight our thoughts with the story of what our men did. Their officers understood the grim and exacting task they had undertaken and performed it with an audacity, efficiency, and unhesitating courage that touch the story of convoy and battle with imperishable distinction at every turn, whether the enterprise were great or small, from their great chiefs, Pershing and Sims, down to the youngest lieutenant; and their men were worthy of them,-such men as hardly need to be commanded, and go to their terrible adventure blithely and with the quick intelligence of those who know just what it is they would accomplish. I am proud to be the fellow-countryman of men of such stuff and valor. Those of us who stayed at home did our duty; the war could not have been won or the gallant men who fought it given their opportunity to win it otherwise; but for many a long day we shall think ourselves "accurs'd we were not there, and hold our manhoods cheap while any speaks that fought" with these at St. Mihiel or Thierry. The memory of those days of triumphant battle will go with these fortunate men to their graves; and each will have his favorite memory. "Old men forget; yet all shall be forgot, but hell remember with advantages what feats he did that day!"

What we all thank God for with deepest gratitude is that our men went in force into the line of battle just at the critical moment when the whole fate of the world seemed to hang in the balance and threw their fresh strength into the ranks of freedom in time to turn the whole tide and sweep of the fateful struggle,-turn it once for all, so that thenceforth it was back, back, back for their enemies, always back, never again forward! After that it was only a scant four months before the commanders of the Central Empires knew themselves beaten; and now their very empires are in liquidation!

And throughout it all how fine the spirit of the nation was: what unity of purpose, what untiring zeal! What elevation of purpose ran through all its splendid display of strength, its untiring accomplishment! I have said that those of us who stayed at home to do the work of organization and supply will always wish that we had been with the men whom we sustained by our labor; but we can never be ashamed. It has been an inspiring thing to be here in the midst of fine men who had turned aside from every private interest of their own and devoted the whole of their trained capacity to the tasks that supplied the sinews of the whole great undertaking! The patriotism, the unselfishness, the thoroughgoing devotion and distinguished capacity that marked their toilsome labors, day after day, month after month, have made them fit mates and comrades of the men in the trenches and on the sea. And not the men here in Washington only. They have but directed the vast achievement. Throughout innumerable factories, upon innumerable farms, in the depths of coal mines and iron mines and copper mines, wherever the stuffs of industry were to be obtained and prepared, in the shipyards, on the railways, at the docks, on the sea, in every labor that was needed to sustain the battle lines, men have vied with each other to do their part and do it well. They can look any man-at-arms in the face, and say, We also strove to win and gave the best that was in us to make our fleets and armies sure of their triumph!

And what shall we say of the women,-of their instant intelligence, quickening every task that they touched; their capacity for organization and cooperation, which gave their action discipline and enhanced the effectiveness of everything they attempted; their aptitude at tasks to which they had never before set their hands; their utter self-sacrifice alike in what they did and in what they gave? Their contribution to the great result is beyond appraisal. They have added a new lustre to the annals of American womanhood.

The least tribute we can pay them is to make them the equals of men in political rights as they have proved themselves their equals in every field of practical work they have entered, whether for themselves or for their country. These great days of completed achievement would be sadly marred were we to omit that act of justice. Besides the immense practical services they have rendered the women of the country have been the moving spirits in the systematic economies by which our people have voluntarily assisted to supply the suffering peoples of the world and the armies upon every front with food and everything else that we had that might serve the common cause. The details of such a story can never be fully written, but we carry them at our hearts and thank God that we can say that we are the kinsmen of such.

And now we are sure of the great triumph for which every sacrifice was made. It has come, come in its completeness, and with the pride and inspiration of these days of achievement quick within us, we turn to the tasks of peace again,-a peace secure against the violence of irresponsible monarchs and ambitious military coteries and made ready for a new order, for new foundations of justice and fair dealing.

We are about to give order and organization to this peace not only for ourselves but for the other peoples of the world as well, so far as they will suffer us to serve them. It is international justice that we seek, not domestic safety merely. Our thoughts have dwelt of late upon Europe, upon Asia, upon the near and the far East, very little upon the acts of peace and accommodation that wait to be performed at our own doors. While we are adjusting our relations with the rest of the world is it not of capital importance that we should clear away all grounds of misunderstanding with our immediate neighbors and give proof of the friendship we really feel? I hope that the members of the Senate will permit me to speak once more of the unratified treaty of friendship and adjustment with the Republic of Colombia. I very earnestly urge upon them an early and favorable action upon that vital matter. I believe that they will feel, with me, that the stage of affairs is now set for such action as will be not only just but generous and in the spirit of the new age upon which we have so happily entered.

So far as our domestic affairs are concerned the problem of our return to peace is a problem of economic and industrial readjustment. That problem is less serious for us than it may turn out too he for the nations which have suffered the disarrangements and the losses of war longer than we. Our people, moreover, do not wait to be coached and led. They know their own business, are quick and resourceful at every readjustment, definite in purpose, and self-reliant in action. Any leading strings we might seek to put them in would speedily become hopelessly tangled because they would pay no attention to them and go their own way. All that we can do as their legislative and executive servants is to mediate the process of change here, there, and elsewhere as we may. I have heard much counsel as to the plans that should be formed and personally conducted to a happy consummation, but from no quarter have I seen any general scheme of "reconstruction" emerge which I thought it likely we could force our spirited business men and self-reliant laborers to accept with due pliancy and obedience.

While the war lasted we set up many agencies by which to direct the industries of the country in the services it was necessary for them to render, by which to make sure of an abundant supply of the materials needed, by which to check undertakings that could for the time be dispensed with and stimulate those that were most serviceable in war, by which to gain for the purchasing departments of the Government a certain control over the prices of essential articles and materials, by which to restrain trade with alien enemies, make the most of the available shipping, and systematize financial transactions, both public and private, so that there would be no unnecessary conflict or confusion,-by which, in short, to put every material energy of the country in harness to draw the common load and make of us one team in the accomplishment of a great task. But the moment we knew the armistice to have been signed we took the harness off. Raw materials upon which the Government had kept its hand for fear there should not be enough for the industries that supplied the armies have been released and put into the general market again. Great industrial plants whose whole output and machinery had been taken over for the uses of the Government have been set free to return to the uses to which they were put before the war. It has not been possible to remove so readily or so quickly the control of foodstuffs and of shipping, because the world has still to be fed from our granaries and the ships are still needed to send supplies to our men overseas and to bring the men back as fast as the disturbed conditions on the other side of the water permit; but even there restraints are being relaxed as much as possible and more and more as the weeks go by.

Never before have there been agencies in existence in this country which knew so much of the field of supply, of labor, and of industry as the War Industries Board, the War Trade Board, the Labor Department, the Food Administration, and the Fuel Administration have known since their labors became thoroughly systematized; and they have not been isolated agencies; they have been directed by men who represented the permanent Departments of the Government and so have been the centres of unified and cooperative action. It has been the policy of the Executive, therefore, since the armistice was assured (which is in effect a complete submission of the enemy) to put the knowledge of these bodies at the disposal of the business men of the country and to offer their intelligent mediation at every point and in every matter where it was desired. It is surprising how fast the process of return to a peace footing has moved in the three weeks since the fighting stopped. It promises to outrun any inquiry that may be instituted and any aid that may be offered. It will not be easy to direct it any better than it will direct itself. The American business man is of quick initiative.

The ordinary and normal processes of private initiative will not, however, provide immediate employment for all of the men of our returning armies. Those who are of trained capacity, those who are skilled workmen, those who have acquired familiarity with established businesses, those who are ready and willing to go to the farms, all those whose aptitudes are known or will be sought out by employers will find no difficulty, it is safe to say, in finding place and employment. But there will be others who will be at a loss where to gain a livelihood unless pains are taken to guide them and put them in the way of work. There will be a large floating residuum of labor which should not be left wholly to shift for itself. It seems to me important, therefore, that the development of public works of every sort should be promptly resumed, in order that opportunities should be created for unskilled labor in particular, and that plans should be made for such developments of our unused lands and our natural resources as we have hitherto lacked stimulation to undertake.

I particularly direct your attention to the very practical plans which the Secretary of the Interior has developed in his annual report and before your Committees for the reclamation of arid, swamp, and cutover lands which might, if the States were willing and able to cooperate, redeem some three hundred million acres of land for cultivation. There are said to be fifteen or twenty million acres of land in the West, at present arid, for whose reclamation water is available, if properly conserved. There are about two hundred and thirty million acres from which the forests have been cut but which have never yet been cleared for the plow and which lie waste and desolate. These lie scattered all over the Union. And there are nearly eighty million acres of land that lie under swamps or subject to periodical overflow or too wet for anything but grazing, which it is perfectly feasible to drain and protect and redeem. The Congress can at once direct thousands of the returning soldiers to the reclamation of the arid lands which it has already undertaken, if it will but enlarge the plans and appropriations which it has entrusted to the Department of the Interior. It is possible in dealing with our unused land to effect a great rural and agricultural development which will afford the best sort of opportunity to men who want to help themselves and the Secretary of the Interior has thought the possible methods out in a way which is worthy of your most friendly attention.

I have spoken of the control which must yet for a while, perhaps for a long long while, be exercised over shipping because of the priority of service to which our forces overseas are entitled and which should also be accorded the shipments which are to save recently liberated peoples from starvation and many devastated regions from permanent ruin. May I not say a special word about the needs of Belgium and northern France? No sums of money paid by way of indemnity will serve of themselves to save them from hopeless disadvantage for years to come. Something more must be done than merely find the money. If they had money and raw materials in abundance to-morrow they could not resume their place in the industry of the world to-morrow,-the very important place they held before the flame of war swept across them. Many of their factories are razed to the ground. Much of their machinery is destroyed or has been taken away. Their people are scattered and many of their best workmen are dead. Their markets will be taken by others, if they are not in some special way assisted to rebuild their factories and replace their lost instruments of manufacture. They should not be left to the vicissitudes of the sharp competition for materials and for industrial facilities which is now to set in. I hope, therefore, that the Congress will not be unwilling, if it should become necessary, to grant to some such agency as the War Trade Board the right to establish priorities of export and supply for the benefit of these people whom we have been so happy to assist in saving from the German terror and whom we must not now thoughtlessly leave to shift for themselves in a pitiless competitive market.

For the steadying, and facilitation of our own domestic business readjustments nothing is more important than the immediate determination of the taxes that are to be levied for 1918, 1919, and 1920. As much of the burden of taxation must be lifted from business as sound methods of financing the Government will permit, and those who conduct the great essential industries of the country must be told as exactly as possible what obligations to the Government they will be expected to meet in the years immediately ahead of them. It will be of serious consequence to the country to delay removing all uncertainties in this matter a single day longer than the right processes of debate justify. It is idle to talk of successful and confident business reconstruction before those uncertainties are resolved.

If the war had continued it would have been necessary to raise at least eight billion dollars by taxation payable in the year 1919; but the war has ended and I agree with the Secretary of the Treasury that it will be safe to reduce the amount to six billions. An immediate rapid decline in the expenses of the Government is not to be looked for. Contracts made for war supplies will, indeed, be rapidly cancelled and liquidated, but their immediate liquidation will make heavy drains on the Treasury for the months just ahead of us. The maintenance of our forces on the other side of the sea is still necessary. A considerable proportion of those forces must remain in Europe during the period of occupation, and those which are brought home will be transported and demobilized at heavy expense for months to come. The interest on our war debt must of course be paid and provision made for the retirement of the obligations of the Government which represent it. But these demands will of course fall much below what a continuation of military operations would have entailed and six billions should suffice to supply a sound foundation for the financial operations of the year.

I entirely concur with the Secretary of the Treasury in recommending that the two billions needed in addition to the four billions provided by existing law be obtained from the profits which have accrued and shall accrue from war contracts and distinctively war business, but that these taxes be confined to the war profits accruing in 1918, or in 1919 from business originating in war contracts. I urge your acceptance of his recommendation that provision be made now, not subsequently, that the taxes to be paid in 1920 should be reduced from six to four billions. Any arrangements less definite than these would add elements of doubt and confusion to the critical period of industrial readjustment through which the country must now immediately pass, and which no true friend of the nation's essential business interests can afford to be responsible for creating or prolonging. Clearly determined conditions, clearly and simply charted, are indispensable to the economic revival and rapid industrial development which may confidently be expected if we act now and sweep all interrogation points away.

I take it for granted that the Congress will carry out the naval programme which was undertaken before we entered the war. The Secretary of the Navy has submitted to your Committees for authorization that part of the programme which covers the building plans of the next three years. These plans have been prepared along the lines and in accordance with the policy which the Congress established, not under the exceptional conditions of the war, but with the intention of adhering to a definite method of development for the navy. I earnestly recommend the uninterrupted pursuit of that policy. It would clearly be unwise for us to attempt to adjust our programmes to a future world policy as yet undetermined.

The question which causes me the greatest concern is the question of the policy to be adopted towards the railroads. I frankly turn to you for counsel upon it. I have no confident judgment of my own. I do not see how any thoughtful man can have who knows anything of the complexity of the problem. It is a problem which must be studied, studied immediately, and studied without bias or prejudice. Nothing can be gained by becoming partisans of any particular plan of settlement.

It was necessary that the administration of the railways should be taken over by the Government so long as the war lasted. It would have been impossible otherwise to establish and carry through under a single direction the necessary priorities of shipment. It would have been impossible otherwise to combine maximum production at the factories and mines and farms with the maximum possible car supply to take the products to the ports and markets; impossible to route troop shipments and freight shipments without regard to the advantage or-disadvantage of the roads employed; impossible to subordinate, when necessary, all questions of convenience to the public necessity; impossible to give the necessary financial support to the roads from the public treasury. But all these necessities have now been served, and the question is, What is best for the railroads and for the public in the future?

Exceptional circumstances and exceptional methods of administration were not needed to convince us that the railroads were not equal to the immense tasks of transportation imposed upon them by the rapid and continuous development of the industries of the country. We knew that already. And we knew that they were unequal to it partly because their full cooperation was rendered impossible by law and their competition made obligatory, so that it has been impossible to assign to them severally the traffic which could best be carried by their respective lines in the interest of expedition and national economy.

We may hope, I believe, for the formal conclusion of the war by treaty by the time Spring has come. The twenty-one months to which the present control of the railways is limited after formal proclamation of peace shall have been made will run at the farthest, I take it for granted, only to the January of 1921. The full equipment of the railways which the federal administration had planned could not be completed within any such period. The present law does not permit the use of the revenues of the several roads for the execution of such plans except by formal contract with their directors, some of whom will consent while some will not, and therefore does not afford sufficient authority to undertake improvements upon the scale upon which it would be necessary to undertake them. Every approach to this difficult subject-matter of decision brings us face to face, therefore, with this unanswered question: What is it right that we should do with the railroads, in the interest of the public and in fairness to their owners?

Let me say at once that I have no answer ready. The only thing that is perfectly clear to me is that it is not fair either to the public or to the owners of the railroads to leave the question unanswered and that it will presently become my duty to relinquish control of the roads, even before the expiration of the statutory period, unless there should appear some clear prospect in the meantime of a legislative solution. Their release would at least produce one element of a solution, namely certainty and a quick stimulation of private initiative.

I believe that it will be serviceable for me to set forth as explicitly as possible the alternative courses that lie open to our choice. We can simply release the roads and go back to the old conditions of private management, unrestricted competition, and multiform regulation by both state and federal authorities; or we can go to the opposite extreme and establish complete government control, accompanied, if necessary, by actual government ownership; or we can adopt an intermediate course of modified private control, under a more unified and affirmative public regulation and under such alterations of the law as will permit wasteful competition to be avoided and a considerable degree of unification of administration to be effected, as, for example, by regional corporations under which the railways of definable areas would be in effect combined in single systems.

The one conclusion that I am ready to state with confidence is that it would be a disservice alike to the country and to the owners of the railroads to return to the old conditions unmodified. Those are conditions of restraint without development. There is nothing affirmative or helpful about them. What the country chiefly needs is that all its means of transportation should be developed, its railways, its waterways, its highways, and its countryside roads. Some new element of policy, therefore, is absolutely necessary--necessary for the service of the public, necessary for the release of credit to those who are administering the railways, necessary for the protection of their security holders. The old policy may be changed much or little, but surely it cannot wisely be left as it was. I hope that the Con will have a complete and impartial study of the whole problem instituted at once and prosecuted as rapidly as possible. I stand ready and anxious to release the roads from the present control and I must do so at a very early date if by waiting until the statutory limit of time is reached I shall be merely prolonging the period of doubt and uncertainty which is hurtful to every interest concerned.

I welcome this occasion to announce to the Congress my purpose to join in Paris the representatives of the governments with which we have been associated in the war against the Central Empires for the purpose of discussing with them the main features of the treaty of peace. I realize the great inconveniences that will attend my leaving the country, particularly at this time, but the conclusion that it was my paramount duty to go has been forced upon me by considerations which I hope will seem as conclusive to you as they have seemed to me.

The Allied governments have accepted the bases of peace which I outlined to the Congress on the eighth of January last, as the Central Empires also have, and very reasonably desire my personal counsel in their interpretation and application, and it is highly desirable that I should give it in order that the sincere desire of our Government to contribute without selfish purpose of any kind to settlements that will be of common benefit to all the nations concerned may be made fully manifest. The peace settlements which are now to be agreed upon are of transcendent importance both to us and to the rest of the world, and I know of no business or interest which should take precedence of them. The gallant men of our armed forces on land and sea have consciously fought for the ideals which they knew to be the ideals of their country; I have sought to express those ideals; they have accepted my statements of them as the substance of their own thought and purpose, as the associated governments have accepted them; I owe it to them to see to it, so far as in me lies, that no false or mistaken interpretation is put upon them, and no possible effort omitted to realize them. It is now my duty to play my full part in making good what they offered their life's blood to obtain. I can think of no call to service which could transcend this.

I shall be in close touch with you and with affairs on this side the water, and you will know all that I do. At my request, the French and English governments have absolutely removed the censorship of cable news which until within a fortnight they had maintained and there is now no censorship whatever exercised at this end except upon attempted trade communications with enemy countries. It has been necessary to keep an open wire constantly available between Paris and the Department of State and another between France and the Department of War. In order that this might be done with the least possible interference with the other uses of the cables, I have temporarily taken over the control of both cables in order that they may be used as a single system. I did so at the advice of the most experienced cable officials, and I hope that the results will justify my hope that the news of the next few months may pass with the utmost freedom and with the least possible delay from each side of the sea to the other.

May I not hope, Gentlemen of the Congress, that in the delicate tasks I shall have to perform on the other side of the sea, in my efforts truly and faithfully to interpret the principles and purposes of the country we love, I may have the encouragement and the added strength of your united support? I realize the magnitude and difficulty of the duty I am undertaking; I am poignantly aware of its grave responsibilities. I am the servant of the nation. I can have no private thought or purpose of my own in performing such an errand. I go to give the best that is in me to the common settlements which I must now assist in arriving at in conference with the other working heads of the associated governments. I shall count upon your friendly countenance and encouragement. I shall not be inaccessible. The cables and the wireless will render me available for any counsel or service you may desire of me, and I shall be happy in the thought that I am constantly in touch with the weighty matters of domestic policy with which we shall have to deal. I shall make my absence as brief as possible and shall hope to return with the happy assurance that it has been possible to translate into action the great ideals for which America has striven.

http://www.infoplease.com/t/hist/state-of-the-union/130.html
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HMS Hood Fitting out.. Dec 2nd 1919

Finely detailed photo of the Hood during her final fitting out, with B turret still under construction. The two 15" guns can be clearly seen in position, and it is these two guns which fired for the last time as the wreck of HMS Hood sank beneath the sea after the colossal explosion which destroyed her. The theory is that the electrics shorted out as the ship sank, and the guns, which were loaded and ready to fire, did so automatically, but the guns were seen to fire in the ships final moments, and the sight made an enormous impression aboard the German ships Bismarck and Prinz Eugen. Comments were made to the effect that even in her final seconds the ship roared defiance at the king's enemies.

Foto... http://www.flickr.com/photos/36758831@N04/4663803041/
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“I hope you live a life you are proud of. If you find that you are not, l hope you have the strength to start all over again.
- F. Scott Fitzgerald


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2 December 1919 → Commons Sitting: 1914–15 RECRUITS.

Captain HACKING asked the Secretary of State for War whether men who enlisted in 1914 and 1915 are still serving in Mesopotamia and in India; and whether he will cable instructions for their immediate release?

Mr. CHURCHILL Instructions have already been cabled to Mesopotamia that men whose release is overdue are to be sent home by the first available ships. With regard to India, all 1914 men have been warned for embarkation en route for the United Kingdom, and the majority have embarked. All 1915 men have now proceeded to camps and should have embarked for the United Kingdom by third week of November.

http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1919/dec/02/1914-15-recruits
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- F. Scott Fitzgerald


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Birmingham Mail, Monday 2 December 1918

WOMEN WAR WORKERS - THANKSGIVING SERVICE IN BIRMINGHAM
The women war workers of Birmingham took part in a very interesting thanksgiving service held at the Parish Church yesterday. It was arranged by Miss Howard (technical inspector) and Miss Thomas (welfare officer of the Board of Agriculture), and the women and girls after being received by the Lady Mayoress (Lady Brooks) in Victoria Square, marched to the church, where the service was conducted by Canon Willink. There were detachments of no fewer than 15 bodies:—Women’s Volunteer Reserve, Royal Air Force, Land Army, Women’s A.A.C., nurses, Red Cross, munition girls, National Service girls, postwomen, tram conductresses, Gas Department, porters from the London and North-Western, Midland, and Great Western Railways, communal kitchen helpers, telegraph girls, Life Brigade, and women police.

https://www.voicesofwarandpeace.org/2018/12/02/on-this-day-2-december-1918/
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The Sydney Morning Herald, 02 December 1918

The late Mrs Egelton - It was reported in the Herald that Mrs Elizabeth Mary Egelton, of 76 Constitution Rd, Dulwich Hill, had died at the age of 87 years old. It was not so much her death but her descendants that warranted such attention – upon her death Mrs Egelton left behind six surviving daughters, two sons, 54 grandchildren, 61 great-grandchildren, and two great-great-grandchildren, making a total of 125 descendants.

Arrival of original ANZACs - A contingent of Anzac soldiers was due to arrive back in Sydney on Wednesday 4th December. It was unanimously decided at a city meeting to give the troops an enthusiastic welcome with a procession through the city and a reception in the Town Hall. All strong posts were requested to assemble to welcome the Anzacs, and owners of public buildings and commercial houses were requested to decorate their premises.

https://www.smh.com.au/national/nsw/in-the-herald-december-2-1918-20191127-p53epy.html
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King George V - St. Quentin Canal - 02 December 1918

King George V during his visit to the St. Quentin Canal battleground of the Fourth Army, 2 December 1918. King George V with General Henry Rawlinson on the temporary bridge at Bellenglise, studying the fighting of the 29th September (St. Quentin Canal). King George V inspecting the graves of men of the American II Corps which took part in the operations of the Fourth Army in the St. Quentin Canal Area. King George V inspecting Indian troops attached to the Royal Garrison Artillery, at Le Cateau on 2 December 1918.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZygmDw7VIT4
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Groton Iron Works, 2 December 1918

Foto... https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Groton_Iron_Works_2_December_1918.jpg
Achtergrondinformatie: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Groton_Iron_Works
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Aerial photograph number 4A 104, France, 2 December 1917

http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-141011191/view
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Winters, Jacobus - Luitenant 10e linieregiment (1890-1918): Dagboeken getrokken uit den oorlog

Zondag 2 december 1917 - Biecht en Communie. Dezen nacht heeft het voor den 1en keer gevrozen.

http://www.geraaktdoordeoorlog.eu/wp-content/uploads/2014/07/JacobusWinters.pdf
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Den Danske Krønike (Spokane, WA!), Volume 2, Number 31, 2 December 1916

Bladeren en lezen! https://washingtondigitalnewspapers.org/?a=d&d=DANSKE19161202.2.51&e=-------en-20--1--txt-txIN-------
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Daily Telegraph, 2 December 1916: Troops Marching To Athens

Placard for The Daily Telegraph.

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Daily_Telegraph_Allied_Troops_Marching_To_Athens_2_December_1916.jpg
Achtergrondinformatie: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Noemvriana
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T.E. LAWRENCE - 2 DECEMBER 1916

“As we got near [to Nakhl Mubarak] we saw through the palm-trees flame, and the flame-lit smoke of many fires, while the hollow ground re-echoed with the roaring of thousands of excited camels, and volleying of shots or shoutings in the darkness of lost men, who sought through the crowd to rejoin their friends. As we had heard in Yenbo that the Nakhl were deserted, this tumult meant something strange, perhaps hostile …

“We ploughed our way through this din, and in an island of calm at the very centre of the valley bed found Sherif Feisal … he explained to me what unexpected things had happened in the last twenty-four hours on the battle front. The Turks had slipped round the head of the Arab barrier forces in Wadi Safra by a side road in the hills, and had cut their retreat. The Harb, in a panic, had melted into the ravines on each side, and
escaped through them in parties of twos and threes, anxious for their threatened families … Then [Zeid] escaped himself; but his force melted into a loose mob of fugitives riding wildly through the night towards Yenbo. Thereby the road to Yenbo was laid open to the Turks, and Feisal had rushed down here only an hour before our arrival, with five thousand men, to protect his base until something properly defensive could be
arranged.”


Events of 2 December 1916 as recounted by T. E. Lawrence in Seven Pillars of Wisdom (1926).

By the time Lawrence arrived back in Yenbo, things in the Hejaz had changed. Feisal had moved his army to Wadi Yenbo in preparation to attack the railway, while Zeid was moving inland from Rabegh to take up a supporting position in Wadi Safra. Ali was stationed in Rabegh, while Abdullah was still blockading Medina.

When Lawrence rode out from Yenbo to meet Feisal, he was surprised to encounter his army near the date plantations at Nakhl Mubarak. The story told by Feisal of the collapse of Zeid’s men, followed by his own retreat on Nakhl Mubarak, proved to be the start of a week of crisis, as Yenbo suddenly found itself laid vulnerable to the Turks.

https://telsociety.org.uk/c-1-december-1916/
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GALLIPOLI - 02 December 1915

ANZAC - Second Lieutenant Mehmed Fasih, 2nd Battalion, 47th Regiment, 16th Division, Ottoman Fifth Army - On 2 December Second Lieutenant Mehmed Fasihhad found himslef in severe trouble over Anzac wiring activity in No Man's Land.

11.00hrs - Am informed Battalion Commander had summoned me. Sergeant Suleyman reports enemy has now put up barbed wire entanglements in front of his trenches. We failed to mention this in our report. Go to Commander. He is quite angry. Tells me that while enemy had strung up barbed- wire in front of our noses, we had noticed nothing. 11.20 hrs - Go to trenches to find out what had happened. Wire entanglements were very close to sandbags on parapet of enemy trenches. In darkness of night, enemy activity had not been spotted because they made no sounds which could have alerted us. Write report to point out these facts, which were the reason why he [the Battalion Commander] had no right to be annoyed with us. He calls me to reprimand me gently Remaining within limits of military courtesy, I reply."

Stunk to the very quick by the criticism, Mehmed took immediate action to try and remove the Australian barbed wire.

"Put in request for dynamite and sandbags. 21.30 hrs - Dynamite arrives. Turn it over to platoons. There are six lots of two kilos each, and one of one kilo. My men immediately start tossing dynamite. Earth trembles. Lamps extinguished in dug-outs. Enemy reacts by lobbing hand grenades. Enemy sends flares up to illuminate sector held by our 63rd Regiment at Yesildere (Green Stream). 23.00 hrs - No change in situation. Have had no casualties. My men continue to lob grenades. Our riflemen also in action. Our Palamutluk batteries are firing. One enemy shell hits our trenches."

The Palamutluk guns were the 24-cm Austrian mortar battery situated near the Kocadere village.

SOURCE: M. Fasih (edited by M. Culcu & translated by H. B. Dansiman, "Lone Pine (Bloody Ridge) Diary of Lt. Mehmed Fasih, Fifth Ottoman Army, Gallipoli, 1915", (Istanbul, Denizler Kitabevi, 2001), p.156 & 159, via https://www.gallipoli-association.org/on-this-day/december/02/
Zie overigens ook hier: http://www.forumeerstewereldoorlog.nl/viewtopic.php?t=29008
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BerichtGeplaatst: 02 Dec 2019 14:31    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

George Shipley, 8 November 1915, Gallipoli, Turkey. Born: 18 August 1878, Regiment: 10 Middlesex Regiment, Regiment number: 2594, Rank: Company Sergeant Major, Died: 2 December 1915

This is one of many letters sent by staff of the Great Western Railway Audit office at Paddington who had enlisted to fight in the First World War. Image shows part of letter.

Dear Nic (Boyce),

Thanks very much for your interesting letter… I wondered when I would hear from someone at the office. Also many thanks for your good wishes and congratulations on my marriage which I have conveyed to my wife. I am sure she will thank you all very much.

Well to tell you a little about our experiences, we started off mysteriously one Sunday from Devonport on the captured German liner Derflinger, not a bad boat. The Warrant Officers had 2nd class quarters it was all right. Food was very fair. Submarine pickets* every night for one of the four companies, lights out… at seven or half past. Stole by Gibraltar at night in a fog expecting it to be torpedoed. We did reach Malta in due course after skirting north African coast, spent a day there, went ashore, had a few drinks which we needed being very hot and then on to Alexandria for three days, ashore every night, not a bad place, of course the lower men didn’t go, except for a route march on the Saturday. Our movements were kept very secret and we couldn’t find out what was to be done with our division, we then pushed to Port Said and had a day there. All of a sudden, we received orders to sail and soon found we were off to Gallipoli as we were passing through the Aegean sea, which is as you know full of pretty islands. Some hours before reaching Lemnos, the naval guns could be heard booming and we ran into the magnificent harbour there full of shipping and life. After a day there, we pushed on to Imbros 4½ miles from Sulva Bay during the afternoon they treated us to a naval shelling of Achi Baba, which is really the other side of the peninsula, but they shoot over the hills and mountains here. It was a fine sight and many of our chaps went sick at once. At night (Sunday 9/8/15) our good ship made for Anafarta Bay where a new landing had been effected two days before. 900 rounds, four days’ rations each, as much as a man is expected to carry and they dumped us over the side in lighters [a type of flat-bottomed barge] at 7am, a short journey through the boom defences and we were ashore waiting for something to turn up.

Bivouacked on the beach and were put on unloading lighters till about 10 when the Turks spotted us and started shelling, two men killed and four wounded to start with and we lost a few more, wounded during the day although naturally we took what cover we could. I had one or two near me whilst getting a timber out of the hold of a lighter but managed to dodge them all right. At night my company received orders to take picks and shovels up into the firing line which was about five miles away half way up Chocolate Hill… Well Nic the 10th were soon in the thick of it as we advanced across the salt lake in extended order.

Rifle fire now we had to dodge and many of our chaps got hit rather seriously I have since found out. I was glad of a rest at the foot of the hill but had to push on again and deliver the goods, after feeling about in the dark for some time our guide led us in single file up behind the firing line, where we laid down, bullets were whistling round but we managed to escape them… The enemy were yelling for all they were worth and I was glad when our captain ordered us down again to the beach. This took us some hours and when we reached the place, the other three had gone up to reinforce the firing line, so up we went again the next day about 6pm, nearly all things are done here in the dark as we are in view all the time. We again advanced across the take from Lala Baba, my heels were nearly raw through new boots and I eventually had to rest for a fortnight later on. Well on our right was a hill burning furiously with many a chap caught in the flames and so perishing (not our regiment).

We finished on rather a feathered bed and did not find the other Company ‘til next day, it was a night, we were all parched with the heat, and no water. Dried up and had to dig ourselves in, it’s no light job this hiding being… like an ostrich, ‘til you make a hole large enough to get into and make yourself head cover.


https://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/education/resources/letters-first-world-war-1915/dardanelles-parched-heat/
Het lijkt ook een soort lessenserie te zijn; er is van alles te downloaden: https://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/education/resources/letters-first-world-war-1915/
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BerichtGeplaatst: 02 Dec 2019 14:34    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Einstein zonder blaam
Martijn van Calmthout - VK - 1997

Erkend fysisch genie of niet, volgens heel wat hedendaagse wetenschapshistorici is niet uit te sluiten dat Albert Einstein in 1915 een laatste cruciale stap in de formulering van zijn Algemene Relativiteitstheorie brutaalweg overschreef van de wiskundige David Hilbert....

Althans: op 18 november bedankt hij Hilbert met een briefje voor het manuscript van een artikel over zwaartekracht, ruimte en tijd dat Hilbert op 20 november oficieel indient bij een tijdschrift. Op 25 november biedt Einstein een in essentie vergelijkbare versie aan bij een tijdschrift.

Officieel luidt de geschiedschrijving daarom dat Hilbert en Einstein parallel de juiste formulering vonden van de Algemene Relativiteitstheorie, maar dat Hilbert de eer van de eerste publicatie toekomt.

Dat lijkt te mooi om waar te zijn. Beide geleerden stonden in nauw onderling contact in een poging de weerbarstige wiskunde van de zwaartekrachttheorie te temmen. Schreef Einstein niet uiteindelijk gewoon iets over van Hilbert? Of leende hij op zijn minst diens inzicht? Bekend is slechts dat hij zich boos maakte over Hilberts inspanningen om hem te snel af te zijn.

De vooraanstaande Duitse wetenschapshistoricus Albert Fölsing suggereerde vorig jaar in een vuistdikke biografie voorzichtig plagiaat. 'Zou Einstein, dwalend door Hilberts artikel, niet de ontbrekende formule in zijn eigen vergelijkingen hebben kunnen ontdekken, en dus strikt genomen hebben gespiekt?'

Andere geschiedschrijvers geloven daarentegen dat Einstein zo'n lage daad onmogelijk op zijn geweten kan hebben, omdat hij daarvoor - met alle respect - te dom zou zijn geweest. Hilberts artikel van 20 november is namelijk, stellen ze, dermate mathematisch, dat Einstein dat onmogelijk in zo korte tijd kan hebben doorgrond. Einstein gered door zijn onhandigheid; wetenschapshistorisch zijn er wel eens fraaiere argumenten gevonden.

In het Amerikaanse weekblad Science van deze week echter, vegen onderzoekers uit Israël, Duitsland en de Verenigde Staten Einsteins vermeende plagiaat met argumenten van tafel. Ze hebben het manuscript van Hilbert achterhaald dat Einstein onder ogen kreeg. En daarin is de nieuwe formule nog helemaal niet te vinden. Pas in een correctie op de drukproeven van 6 december 1915, ruim nadat Einstein zijn eigen versie had ingediend, schreef Hilbert die er alsnog expliciet in.

Sterker: Einstein leverde zijn artikel weliswaar pas op 25 november in, maar dit werd wel meteen, op 2 december, gepubliceerd door de Pruisische Academie van Wetenschappen. Hilberts verging het anders. Diens definitieve versie, die nog maar vaag lijkt op wat hij in november had ingediend, verscheen pas op 31 maart 1916.

Waarmee de rol van dader en slachtoffer heel goed omgekeerd zou kunnen zijn, aldus de auteurs van het artikel: Leo Corry, Jürgen Renn en John Stachel. 'Al met al suggereert onze reconstructie dat kennis van Einsteins resultaat voor Hilbert cruciaal kan zijn geweest om nieuwe elementen toe te voegen.'

Een wetenschappelijke doodzonde dus van een van de grootste wiskundigen van deze eeuw? Die conclusie gaat het drietal ook weer wat te ver. Waarschijnlijk, suggereren ze ruimhartig, is slechts onder wetenschapshistorici een misverstand ontstaan.

https://www.volkskrant.nl/wetenschap/einstein-zonder-blaam~b4b601b2/
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BerichtGeplaatst: 02 Dec 2019 14:37    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Worcestershire - 2nd December 1915 - Trenches full of water and mud

Rolling Casualty Count: 2569

1st Batt: Batt marched out 5.00 am to relieve 2nd East Lancs. A Coy in low lying Bridoux Salient which was half-flooded. No means of draining it and very uncomfortable for men.

2nd Batt: During the night ,front line coys opened bursts of rapid fire to catch enemy working parties repairing their parapets. Our communication trenches cleaned up a little by working party. Night patrols noticed german wire old and in need of repair. A listening post was located 70 yards from left Sap and fired on-noticed that many of our shells did not explode.

http://www.ww1worcestershire.co.uk/key-dates/1915/12/trenches-full-of-water-and-mud/
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BerichtGeplaatst: 02 Dec 2019 14:43    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

De asielzoekers van 1914
HENK STRABBING - VK - 1998

Het jaartalboekje vermeldt op 9 oktober 1914: 'Val van Antwerpen. Honderdduizenden vluchten naar Nederland. De soldaten worden daar geïnterneerd. Koning Albert trekt zich met de rest van de Belgische troepen terug tot achter de IJzer.' Honderdduizenden, misschien wel meer dan een miljoen asielzoekers - hoe sprongen we daar toen mee...

HET BEGON met burgerzin. Alom sproten commissies, comiteetjes en hulpgroepen op en het duurde niet lang voordat de overheid een overkoepelende, regulerende commissie instelde, het Centraal Vluchtelingen Comité, geleid door de rasregent F.C.W.H. Baron van Tuyl van Serooskerken, bij de massa vooral bekend als voorzitter van het nog piepjonge Nederlandsch Olympisch Comité dat in 1928 de Spelen naar Amsterdam zou halen. En er kwamen twee officiële subcommissies: voor bemiddelde en voor onbemiddelde vluchtelingen. Particulieren, die vluchtelingen opnamen, kregen een vergoeding van de overheid.

Een van de allereerste burgerinitiatieven ontstond in Groningen en enkele leden reisden al meteen na de invasie van België, in augustus 1914, naar Zuid-Limburg om zo dichtbij mogelijk van de rampzaligheden poolshoogte te kunnen nemen. Ook bezochten zij provisorische kampen en particulieren die zich over vluchtelingen hadden ontfermd. Vier dagen nadat 's keizers armee als een alvernielende wals door de streek was getrokken wisten de Groningers een Duits visum te bemachtigen, want, aldus commissielid G. Hulsman: 'Zoo dicht bij het terrein van den oorlog te zijn en er zelf niets van te zien, dat was ons te erg.'

Hij beschrijft een huiveringwekkende voettocht door de streek onder Maastricht: 'De wegwijzers, die in België nog niet zoals bij ons zijn weggenomen, wezen den weg aan naar Mouland. Daar zagen wij de eerste verwoesting van den krijg. Villa op villa, huis op huis, alles uitgebrand. Wij wandelden over een brug, en zagen een huis, waaruit een paar kinderen tevoorschijn kwamen; we vroegen of er iets te zien was, en daar kregen we ten antwoord: ''Ja, mijnheer, daar steekt een hand uit een graf.'' En inderdaad, wij gingen de poort binnen, en zagen een binnentuintje en daarin een graf... op het graf een zeis en een kruis en uit de pas gedolven aarde stak een zwarte mannenhand. Wij hoorden later de verklaring van de notaris van Eysden. Deze had den man goed gekend. De man had er op losgeslagen toen de vijanden kwamen, volgens het zeggen van sommigen met een zeis, hij was neergeschoten en met zijn slachtoffer in één graf begraven. De hand, waarmede hij het oorlogsrecht had geschonden, had men als een waarschuwend teeken voor ander burgers, boven het graf laten uitsteken.' De Groningse commissie is zwaar onder de indruk van wat ze heeft gezien: 'Het Noord-Oosten van België is een woestijn geworden.'

Welkom waren de vluchtelingen lang niet overal in Nederland. Op 14 november 1914 klaagde de Brabantse commissaris der koningin bij zijn minister over '...armlastigen die reeds in België niets te verliezen hadden en thans vegeteeren op het hulpbetoon van ingezetenen van het Rijk. Vooral ten aanzien van deze laatsten vragen de Burgemeesters hier en daar reeds om mijne tusschenkomst ter bevordering van hun vertrek. Het zijn veelal elementen die men niet langer in de gezinnen wenscht te verplegen en die men ook tegen de door Uwe Excellentie vastgestelde maximale vergoeding per dag niet langer wenscht te houden. Zij zullen naar mijn meening het eerst in aanmerking moeten komen voor plaatsing in tentenkampen, grote gebouwen enz, waarvan de inrichting tot herberging van vluchtelingen door Uwe Excellentie wordt overwogen.' Het grootste deel van de burgervluchtelingen keerde nog voor het eind van 1914 terug naar België, al signaleerde de Brabantse Commissaris met ongenoegen dat sommige van deze gerepatrierde Belgen toch weer in Nederland kwamen 'overwinteren.'

Maar meer dan honderdduizend Belgen bleven na die eerste weken en maanden in Nederland achter. Zij kwamen uiteindelijk terecht in rijksvluchtoorden (het woord 'kamp' mocht niet worden gebruikt, want dat was belast door de kortelings bekend geworden vreselijkheden in de Zuid-Afrikaanse 'concentratiekampen'). Deze vluchtoorden werden vanaf maart 1916 speciaal gebouwd in Veenhuizen, Oldebroek, Nunspeet, Hontenisse, Bergen op Zoom, Uden en Gouda.

Buitenkampse arbeid was vaak een probleem. Burgemeesters meldden steeds weer aan hun commissaris der koningin dat er geen werk aan Belgen gegund kon worden in plaatsen waar werklozen waren. Maar aan de andere kant, aldus een commissaris in een vertrouwelijk rapport aan de minister van Binnenlandse Zaken: 'Tot ons leedwezen moesten wij ook in vrijwel alle gemeenten vernemen dat de mannen en jongens onwillig waren om werk te verrichten, wanneer hun dit werd aangeboden - ja zelfs meenden zij tot geen werken verplicht te zijn, omdat volgens hun zeggen, Engeland hun verblijf in Nederland bekostigde.'

En als er al werk was, kon het zo weer voorbij zijn. Bij de Amsterdamse autofabriek Trompenburg (voorheen Spyker) moesten op last van de overheid alle Belgische werknemers verdwijnen omdat de fabriek via Zweden auto's naar Duitsland exporteerde. Nederland moest immers zo neutraal mogelijk blijven... In 1917 werden Belgen die in Zuid-Limburg aan een mijnstaking deelnamen zonder pardon ontslagen, maar dat bleek tijdelijk: de mijnen konden niet zonder deze Belgische werknemers.

Het dagelijks leven in de vluchtoorden was één lange strijd tegen de verveling. Er kwamen maar liefst 27 naai- en breiklassen waar de vluchtelingen hun eigen kleding konden maken. De mannen deden vaak handenarbeid dat aan plaatselijke middenstanders werd doorverkocht. Er wordt zelfs melding gemaakt van het verzamelen van eikels tegen 2 tot 3 cent per kilo. Deze eikels gingen als varkensvoer naar Duitsland. Hier bleek de neutraliteitskwestie minder nijpend dan bij Trompenburg.

De geïnterneerde Belgische militairen vormden een categorie apart. De Belgische regering -tijdelijk in het Franse Le Havre- strooide slordige verwijten rond dat het gros van deze soldaten domweg gedeserteerd was. In de kampen heersten frustratie en drankzucht. Er waren veel zelfmoordpogingen. Maar velen wisten toch te ontsnappen. Tussen oktober 1914 en juli 1915 slaagden 1600 geïnterneerde militairen erin weg te komen. Maar ook dát was een ernstige bedreiging van de Nederlandse neutraliteit. Voor gemeenten met deze militaire kampen werd de staat van beleg uitgeroepen. Ook in de zeehavens werd streng gecontroleerd, want van daaruit probeerden Belgen met valse papieren via Engeland weer aan het front te geraken.

Er waren overigens ook kampementen met Britse, Franse en Duitse militaire geïnterneerden. Geallieerde officieren die weigerden hun erewoord te geven dat ze niet zouden ontsnappen, moesten naar Urk, toen nog een eiland. 'Het Nederlandse Elba' werd dat genoemd. De Duitsers zaten in Bergen, waar het een stuk makkelijker was weg te komen.

LATER vaardigde de Belgische regering, onder druk van Den Haag, een formeel ontsnappingsverbod uit. Al in het begin had een dramatische opstand in het kamp Zeist grote indruk gemaakt. Een geïnterneerd militair kreeg tien cent soldij per dag. Maar in de Zeister kantine kostte een glas bier een stuiver en een ei zelfs zeven cent. Op de avond van 2 december 1914 werd de kampkantine dan ook door boze Belgen grondig 'verbouwd'. De volgende dag werden de gehate Nederlandse bewakers voor 'Kwatta-soldaatjes' uitgemaakt. Die voelden zich bedreigd en schoten met scherp. Er vielen acht doden en achttien gewonden. De Vlaamse beeldhouwer-schilder Rik Wouters -hij zou twee jaar later in Nederlandse internering sterven- maakte indrukwekkende tekeningen van de begrafenis van de slachtoffers.

Een gevolg was dat er onder het Nederlandse publiek grotere belangstelling ontstond voor het lot van de uit hun land verdreven Belgen. Daarna kwam de bouw van gezinsdorpen op dreef. Er kwam vakonderwijs. In Amersfoort werd zelfs een nooduniversiteit gesticht voor Belgen die door de oorlog hun studie hadden moeten onderbreken. Maar die bestond niet lang omdat door een gaandeweg versoepeld interneringssysteem deze studenten al vrij snel naar Delft, Wageningen, Utrecht en Rotterdam mochten

Vrijwel alle Belgische vluchtelingen toonden zich diep dankbaar na hun verblijf in Nederland. Een brief aan de burgemeester van Zoeterwoude van een gerepatrierde Antwerpenaar: 'Indien ooit uw geliefd Nederland door zware rampen mogt geteisterd worden, waarvoor God het behoede, wees er verzekerd van, Mijnheer de Burgemeester, Gij die al dien tijd voor ons een vader geweest hebt, dat U allen in Antwerpen een open deur zult vinden en met open armen zult ontvangen worden om U Uw leed te verzachten en een weinig terug te geven van het goede ons gedaan door Uwe bevolking.'

Maar de Belgische regering dacht er anders over. Die deed hevige pogingen Zeeuws-Vlaanderen in te lijven en wilde, toen de verslagen Duitsers dwars door Zuid-Limburg naar huis mochten trekken, ook dát gedeelte van Nederland erbij hebben. De verhouding tussen Den Haag en Brussel bleef lang uiterst moeizaam.

Pas in 1937 was de Belgische regering bereid de kosten van de internering terug te getalen. Die waren toen, rente op rente, gestegen tot zestig miljoen gulden. Het betrof alleen de internering van militairen. Lange tijd had Brussel geprobeerd die kosten met het gastland te delen. De Nederlandse regering drong, grootmoedig, nooit aan op restitutie van de kosten die gemaakt waren voor burgervluchtelingen. Die kosten schatte men op 45 miljoen.

https://www.volkskrant.nl/nieuws-achtergrond/de-asielzoekers-van-1914~bfc53117/

En óók over Kamp Zeist:

Artikel over het dagelijks leven in Kamp Zeist...

... waar de verveling groot was. op 2 december 1914 sloeg de vlam in de pan en vielen er zelfs dodelijke slachtoffers. Klik linksboven op PDF om het artikel te openen.

Jeanette Pors, 'Verveling', Nederland en de Eerste Wereldoorlog [Thematijdschrift 2014], 38-39.

https://www.geschiedenislokaalutrechtwo1.nl/bronnen/artikel-verveling-in-kamp-zeist/
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BerichtGeplaatst: 02 Dec 2019 14:49    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Meerle tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog - De dagboeken van burgemeester Lodewijk Van Nueten (1914-1918)

Woensdag 2 december 1914
Lente weder stil en warm.

Van de vroegen morgen is garde en Secretaris op route om signalementen te nemen van de paarden. Eerst twee boden voorop om de paarden te huis te hebben. Toen kwam eene bode van den Burgemeester van Hoogstraeten, volgens inlichtingen te Turnhout genomen, dat alle paarden en veulens moesten zijn, alle getuig en karren moeten mede komen op de monstering.

Alweer [Tuur?] Havermans achterna om de boeren te berichten. Dat is me toch een spel. Juge komt om te klagen dat ze in Elsakker cigaren gesmoord hebben. Ik heb er 75 gegeven aan Sus voor de mannen. Zo ge denkt dat ze geen recht hebben op cigaren, ze hebben recht op 4 sigaren per man, per dag.

Madame Voortman, G. komt om te zien naar Jachtrust. Ze vraagt mij om mede te gaan. Ik ben alleen en kan niet mede gaan. Zij heeft een Duitsche pas. Ik geef haar een Duitsch bewijs dat zij de eigenares is van Jachtrust. Zij zal mij berichten dat ze ondervonden heeft. Zoo geraken wij aan den middag.

Men eischt een velo op. Wij hebben eenen in reserve. Men eischt de afgezaagde boomen op, op den Steenweg, onder den Burgerwacht afgezaagd. Dit is beter als bij de boeren zoo veel hout opvragen.

Madame Voortman komt mij halen met voituur. Ze is te vreden als men maar niets beschadigd. Hare velo zal Leutenant Wacht II Mosler bij mij brengen, niet aan opvolgers geven. Zoo dat alles nog al goed afloopt. Madame Dupret is ook content. Marcel Dupret woonen in Ginneken.

Leutenant Wacht 4, Erwald Leutenant Krefting Wacht 3, Mosler Wacht 2 komen de rekeningen afteekenen en geven een bewijs dat ze te vreden zijn geweest. Zij vragen mij voor hunnen Comp. een bewijs dat er geen opstoten geweest zijn, dat alles wel is gegaan. dat beloof ik hun te zullen zenden. Wij zullen zien. – Niets gegeven. –

Deze avond de lijst voor paarden afgemaakt tot 10 uren savonds. Zoo al een heel werk achter rug. Er blijven eenige boeren achter, die ons bedriegen en te weinig paarden aangeven.

Thayvaye, vrouw, Bonne Mama, paardenwagen vertrekken vandaag naar 8 weken verblijf bij ons.

http://www.meerle14-18.be/2014/12/02/woensdag-2-december-1914/
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BerichtGeplaatst: 02 Dec 2019 14:51    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Tête des Faux - Frankrijk

(...) In de maand augustus 1914 bezetten de Duitsers de top. Het is goed om te bedenken dat de Frans-Duitse grens in augustus 1914 over de Col du Bonhomme liep en dat de Buchenkopf op Duits gebied lag. Al op 9 augustus 1914 bezetten Franse troepen van het 21e Franse legercorps de Col du Bonhomme en namen er hun posities in, ze lagen tegenover het Duitse 39e IR (infanterieregiment). Het dorp Diedolshausen (Frans: Le Bonhomme) bleef Duits. De Duitse artillerie verhinderde er de Franse opmars. De rest van dit eerste oorlogsjaar zou er fel gevochten worden om het bezit van de bergtop. Op 2 december 1914, in het holst van de nacht en in dichte mist, rukten vier Franse strijdgroepen chasseurs alpins (Alpine jagers) van de 132e brigade uit verschillende richtingen op. De verdediging van de Buchenkopf was op dat moment in handen van het 3e Bayerische LIR ( Beiers Landwehr-infanterie Regiment) onder commando van Oberst Hans Jordan. De Fransen slaagden er in om de top van de Buchenkopf te bereiken, te veroveren en te bezetten. De herovering van de bergtop maakte weliswaar de pasweg naar Kaysersberg niet veilig voor de Fransen, maar de bedreiging van het Franse achterland richting St Dié was nu afgewend. (...)

http://photography-to-remember-ww-one.com/article.php?id=648
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BerichtGeplaatst: 02 Dec 2019 14:52    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Algemeen Handelsblad, 2 december 1913: Buitenlandsche kroniek

Het Duitsch-Russische voorstel voor de hervormingen in Armenië, dat behalve de benoeming van een Turkschen generaal-inspecteur voor de Armenische vilayets ook de benoeming van twee Europeesche adviseurs met uitgebreide bevoegdheid wenscht, bevat naar het "Berl. Tageblatt" meldt, ook nog de volgende eischen:

De beide adviseurs, die tot een neutralen Europeeschen staat moeten behooren, en door de Porte uit een door de groote mogendheden op te maken lijst kunnen worden gekozen, zullen voor vijf jaren worden benoemd. De Turksche inspecteur-generaal mag geen besluit nemen, zonder toestemming dezer adviseurs. Bij verschillen van meening wordt door de Porte beslist, doch eerst na onderhandelingen met de gezanten der groote mogendheden in Konstantinopel. Na het eindigen der vijf jaren, die voor den arbeid der Europeesche adviseurs vastgesteld zijn, zal de Porte met de mogendheden onderhandelingen aanknoopen over de vernieuwing der contracten voor die ambtenaren, of voor de benoeming van andere adviseurs. Alle ambtenaren in Armenië worden door den inspecteur-generaal benoemd en ontslagen, doch met toestemming van de Europeesche adviseurs. De Armenische vilayets zullen worden vertegenwoordigd door een nationale vergadering die voor de helft uit Mohammedanen, voor de helft uit Christenen bestaat. Ook de ambtenaren in Armenië zullen voor de helft uit Mohammedanen, voor de helft uit Christenen worden benoemd.

De Turksche regeering verklaarde, dat deze voorstellen absoluut onaannemelijk zijn.

De gedelegeerden der mogendheden, die te Parijs bijeen zijn voor de bespreking der financieele regeling hebben nu besloten, dat de mogendheden aan Turkije geenerlei financiëelen steun zullen geven, voordat de Porte het hervormings-ontwerp voor Armenië heeft aanvaard, waarbij het toezicht op de uitvoerende macht aan Europeesche adviseurs wordt opgedragen.

https://www.armeensegenocide.info/pers-nl/AH-2-12-1913.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 02 Dec 2019 14:56    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Gavrilo Princip, a participant in the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand

Gavrilo Princip was a Bosnian Serb, one of the participants in the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo in June 1914. These notes, written by psychiatrist Dr Martin Pappenheim in the middle of the war, give some of the lesser-known details of Princip’s life. They shed new light on Princip’s personality.

After the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand, Princip was put on trial in Sarajevo together with the other assassinators. He was sentenced to 20 years in prison on 28 October 1914. On 2 December he was transferred to the military prison in Terezin, where he was visited several times by Pappenheim. Gavrilo Princip died of tuberculosis in prison on 28 April 1918.

https://www.bl.uk/collection-items/gavrilo-princip
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BerichtGeplaatst: 02 Dec 2019 15:00    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Woodrow Wilson - State of the Union 1919 - 2 December 1919

TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

I sincerely regret that I cannot be present at the opening of this session of the Congress. I am thus prevented from presenting in as direct a way as I could wish the many questions that are pressing for solution at this time. Happily, I have had the advantage of the advice of the heads of the several executive departments who have kept in close touch with affairs in their detail and whose thoughtful recommendations I earnestly second.

In the matter of the railroads and the readjustment of their affairs growing out of Federal control, I shall take the liberty at a later date of addressing you.

I hope that Congress will bring to a conclusion at this session legislation looking to the establishment of a budget system. That there should be one single authority responsible for the making of all appropriations and that appropriations should be made not independently of each other, but with reference to one single comprehensive plan of expenditure properly related to the nation's income, there can be no doubt I believe the burden of preparing the budget must, in the nature of the case, if the work is to be properly done and responsibility concentrated instead of divided, rest upon the executive. The budget so prepared should be submitted to and approved or amended by a single committee of each House of Congress and no single appropriation should be made by the Congress, except such as may have been included in the budget prepared by the executive or added by the particular committee of Congress charged with the budget legislation.

Another and not less important aspect of the problem is the ascertainment of the economy and efficiency with which the moneys appropriated are expended. Under existing law the only audit is for the purpose of ascertaining whether expenditures have been lawfully made within the appropriations. No one is authorized or equipped to ascertain whether the money has been spent wisely, economically and effectively. The auditors should be highly trained officials with permanent tenure in the Treasury Department, free of obligations to or motives of consideration for this or any subsequent administration, and authorized and empowered to examine into and make report upon the methods employed and the results obtained by the executive departments of the Government. Their reports should be made to the Congress and to the Secretary of the Treasury.

I trust that the Congress will give its immediate consideration to the problem of future taxation. Simplification of the income and profits taxes has become an immediate necessity. These taxes performed indispensable service during the war. They must, however, be simplified, not only to save the taxpayer inconvenience and expense, but in order that his liability may be made certain and definite.

With reference to the details of the Revenue Law, the Secretary of the Treasury and the Commissioner of Internal Revenue will lay before you for your consideration certain amendments necessary or desirable in connection with the administration of the law-recommendations which have my approval and support. It is of the utmost importance that in dealing with this matter the present law should not be disturbed so far as regards taxes for the calendar year 1920 payable in the calendar year 1921. The Congress might well consider whether the higher rates of income and profits taxes can in peace times be effectively productive of revenue, and whether they may not, on the contrary, be destructive of business activity and productive of waste and inefficiency. There is a point at which in peace times high rates of income and profits taxes discourage energy, remove the incentive to new enterprises, encourage extravagant expenditures and produce industrial stagnation with consequent unemployment and other attendant evils.

The problem is not an easy one. A fundamental change has taken place with reference to the position of America in the world's affairs. The prejudice and passions engendered by decades of controversy between two schools of political and economic thought,-the one believers in protection of American industries, the other believers in tariff for revenue only,-must be subordinated to the single consideration of the public interest in the light of utterly changed conditions. Before the war America was heavily the debtor of the rest of the world and the interest payments she had to make to foreign countries on American securities held abroad, the expenditures of American travelers abroad and the ocean freight charges she had to pay to others, about balanced the value of her pre-war favorable balance of trade. During the war America's exports have been greatly stimulated, and increased prices have increased their value. On the other hand, she has purchased a large proportion of the American securities previously held abroad, has loaned some $9,000,000,000 to foreign governments, and has built her own ships. Our favorable balance of trade has thus been greatly increased and Europe has been deprived of the means of meeting it heretofore existing. Europe can have only three ways of meeting the favorable balance of trade in peace times: by imports into this country of gold or of goods, or by establishing new credits. Europe is in no position at the present time to ship gold to us nor could we contemplate large further imports of gold into this country without concern. The time has nearly passed for international governmental loans and it will take time to develop in this country a market for foreign securities. Anything, therefore, which would tend to prevent foreign countries from settling for our exports by shipments of goods into this country could only have the effect of preventing them from paying for our exports and therefore of preventing the exports from being made. The productivity of the country, greatly stimulated by the war, must find an outlet by exports to foreign countries, and any measures taken to prevent imports will inevitably curtail exports, force curtailment of production, load the banking machinery of the country with credits to carry unsold products and produce industrial stagnation and unemployment. If we want to sell, we must be prepared to buy. Whatever, therefore, may have been our views during the period of growth of American business concerning tariff legislation, we must now adjust our own economic life to a changed condition growing out of the fact that American business is full grown and that America is the greatest capitalist in the world.

No policy of isolation will satisfy the growing needs and opportunities of America. The provincial standards and policies of the past, which have held American business as if in a strait-jacket, must yield and give way to the needs and exigencies of the new day in which we live, a day full of hope and promise for American business, if we will but take advantage of the opportunities that are ours for the asking. The recent war has ended our isolation and thrown upon us a great duty and responsibility. The United States must share the expanding world market. The United States desires for itself only equal opportunity with the other nations of the world, and that through the process of friendly cooperation and fair competition the legitimate interests of the nations concerned may be successfully and equitably adjusted.

There are other matters of importance upon which I urged action at the last session of Congress which are still pressing for solution. I am sure it is not necessary for me again to remind you that there is one immediate and very practicable question resulting from the war which we should meet in the most liberal spirit. It is a matter of recognition and relief to our soldiers. I can do no better than to quote from my last message urging this very action:

"We must see to it that our returning soldiers are assisted in every practicable way to find the places for which they are fitted in the daily work of the country. This can be done by developing and maintaining upon an adequate scale the admirable organization created by the Department of Labor for placing men seeking work; and it can also be done, in at least one very great field, by creating new opportunities for individual enterprise. The Secretary of the Interior has pointed out the way by which returning soldiers may be helped to find and take up land in the hitherto undeveloped regions of the country which the Federal Government has already prepared, or can readily prepare, for cultivation and also on many of the cutover or neglected areas which lie within the limits of the older states; and I once more take the liberty of recommending very urgently that his plans shall receive the immediate and substantial support of the Congress."

In the matter of tariff legislation, I beg to call your attention to the statements contained in my last message urging legislation with reference to the establishment of the chemical and dyestuffs industry in America:

"Among the industries to which special consideration should be given is that of the manufacture of dyestuffs and related chemicals. Our complete dependence upon German supplies before the war made the interruption of trade a cause of exceptional economic disturbance. The close relation between the manufacture of dyestuffs, on the one hand, and of explosive and poisonous gases, on the other, moreover, has given the industry an exceptional significance and value. Although the United States will gladly and unhesitatingly join in the programme of international disarmament, it will, nevertheless, be a policy of obvious prudence to make certain of the successful maintenance of many strong and well-equipped chemical plants. The German chemical industry, with which we will be brought into competition, was and may well be again, a thoroughly knit monopoly capable of exercising a competition of a peculiarly insidious and dangerous kind."

During the war the farmer performed a vital and willing service to the nation. By materially increasing the production of his land, he supplied America and the Allies with the increased amounts of food necessary to keep their immense armies in the field. He indispensably helped to win the war. But there is now scarcely less need of increasing the production in food -and the necessaries of life. I ask the Congress to consider means of encouraging effort along these lines. The importance of doing everything possible to promote production along economical lines, to improve marketing, and to make rural life more attractive and healthful, is obvious. I would urge approval of the plans already proposed to the Congress by the Secretary of Agriculture, to secure the essential facts required for the proper study of this question, through the proposed enlarged programmes for farm management studies and crop estimates. I would urge, also, the continuance of Federal participation in the building of good roads, under the terms of existing law and under the direction of present agencies; the need of further action on the part of the States and the Federal Government to preserve and develop our forest resources, especially through the practice of better forestry methods on private holdings and the extension of the publicly owned forests; better support for country schools and the more definite direction of their courses of study along lines related to rural problems; and fuller provision for sanitation in rural districts and the building up of needed hospital and medical facilities in these localities. Perhaps the way might be cleared for many of these desirable reforms by a fresh, comprehensive survey made of rural conditions by a conference composed of representatives of the farmers and of the agricultural agencies responsible for leadership.

I would call your attention to the widespread condition of political restlessness in our body politic. The causes of this unrest, while various and complicated, are superficial rather than deep-seated. Broadly, they arise from or are connected with the failure on the part of our Government to arrive speedily at a just and permanent peace permitting return to normal conditions, from the transfusion of radical theories from seething European centers pending such delay, from heartless profiteering resulting in the increase of the cost of living, and lastly from the machinations of passionate and malevolent agitators. With the return to normal conditions, this unrest will rapidly disappear. In the meantime, it does much evil. It seems to me that in dealing with this situation Congress should not be impatient or drastic but should seek rather to remove the causes. It should endeavor to bring our country back speedily to a peace basis, with ameliorated living conditions under the minimum of restrictions upon personal liberty that is consistent with our reconstruction problems. And it should arm the Federal Government with power to deal in its criminal courts with those persons who by violent methods would abrogate our time-tested institutions. With the free expression of opinion and with the advocacy of orderly political change, however fundamental, there must be no interference, but towards passion and malevolence tending to incite crime and insurrection under guise of political evolution there should be no leniency. Legislation to this end has been recommended by the Attorney General and should be enacted. In this direct connection, I would call your attention to my recommendations on August 8th, pointing out legislative measures which would be effective in controlling and bringing down the present cost of living, which contributes so largely to this unrest. On only one of these recommendations has the Congress acted. If the Government's campaign is to be effective, it is necessary that the other steps suggested should be acted on at once.

I renew and strongly urge the necessity of the extension of the present Food Control Act as to the period of time in which it shall remain in operation. The Attorney General has submitted a bill providing for an extension of this Act for a period of six months. As it now stands, it is limited in operation to the period of the war and becomes inoperative upon the formal proclamation of peace. It is imperative that it should be extended at once. The Department of justice has built up extensive machinery for the purpose of enforcing its provisions; all of which must be abandoned upon the conclusion of peace unless the provisions of this Act are extended.

During this period the Congress will have an opportunity to make similar permanent provisions and regulations with regard to all goods destined for interstate commerce and to exclude them from interstate shipment, if the requirements of the law are not compiled with. Some such regulation is imperatively necessary. The abuses that have grown up in the manipulation of prices by the withholding of foodstuffs and other necessaries of life cannot otherwise be effectively prevented. There can be no doubt of either the necessity of the legitimacy of such measures.

As I pointed out in my last message, publicity can accomplish a great deal in this campaign. The aims of the Government must be clearly brought to the attention of the consuming public, civic organizations and state officials, who are in a position to lend their assistance to our efforts. You have made available funds with which to carry on this campaign, but there is no provision in the law authorizing their expenditure for the purpose of making the public fully informed about the efforts of the Government. Specific recommendation has been made by the Attorney General in this regard. I would strongly urge upon you its immediate adoption, as it constitutes one of the preliminary steps to this campaign.

I also renew my recommendation that the Congress pass a law regulating cold storage as it is regulated, for example, by the laws of the State of New Jersey, which limit the time during which goods may be kept in storage, prescribe the method of disposing of them if kept beyond the permitted period, and require that goods released from storage shall in all cases bear the date of their receipt. It would materially add to the serviceability of the law, for the purpose we now have in view, if it were also prescribed that all goods released from storage for interstate shipment should have plainly marked upon each package the selling or market price at which they went into storage. By this means the purchaser would always be able to learn what profits stood between him and the producer or the wholesale dealer.

I would also renew my recommendation that all goods destined for interstate commerce should in every case, where their form or package makes it possible, be plainly marked with the price at which they left the hands of the producer.

We should formulate a law requiring a Federal license of all corporations engaged in interstate commerce and embodying in the license or in the conditions under which it is to be issued, specific regulations designed to secure competitive selling and prevent unconscionable profits in the method of marketing. Such a law would afford a welcome opportunity to effect other much needed reforms in the business of interstate shipment and in the methods of corporations which are engaged in it; but for the moment I confine my recommendations to the object immediately in hand, which is to lower the cost of living.

No one who has observed the march of events in the last year can fail to note the absolute need of a definite programme to bring about an improvement in the conditions of labor. There can be no settled conditions leading to increased production and a reduction in the cost of living if labor and capital are to be antagonists instead of partners. Sound thinking and an honest desire to serve the interests of the whole nation, as distinguished from the interests of a class, must be applied to the solution of this great and pressing problem. The failure of other nations to consider this matter in a vigorous way has produced bitterness and jealousies and antagonisms, the food of radicalism. The only way to keep men from agitating against grievances is to remove the grievances. An unwillingness even to discuss these matters produces only dissatisfaction and gives comfort to the extreme elements in our country which endeavor to stir up disturbances in order to provoke governments to embark upon a course of retaliation and repression. The seed of revolution is repression. The remedy for these things must not be negative in character. It must be constructive. It must comprehend the general interest. The real antidote for the unrest which manifests itself is not suppression, but a deep consideration of the wrongs that beset our national life and the application of a remedy.

Congress has already shown its willingness to deal with these industrial wrongs by establishing the eight-hour day as the standard in every field of labor. It has sought to find a way to prevent child labor. It has served the whole country by leading the way in developing the means of preserving and safeguarding lives and health in dangerous industries. It must now help in the difficult task of finding a method that will bring about a genuine democratization of industry, based upon the full recognition of the right of those who work, in whatever rank, to participate in some organic way in every decision which directly affects their welfare. It is with this purpose in mind that I called a conference to meet in Washington on December 1st, to consider these problems in all their broad aspects, with the idea of bringing about a better understanding between these two interests.

The great unrest throughout the world, out of which has emerged a demand for an immediate consideration of the difficulties between capital and labor, bids us put our own house in order. Frankly, there can be no permanent and lasting settlements between capital and labor which do not recognize the fundamental concepts for which labor has been struggling through the years. The whole world gave its recognition and endorsement to these fundamental purposes in the League of Notions. The statesmen gathered at Versailles recognized the fact that world stability could not be had by reverting to industrial standards and conditions against which the average workman of the world had revolted. It is, therefore, the task of the states men of this new day of change and readjustment to recognize world conditions and to seek to bring about, through legislation, conditions that will mean the ending of age-long antagonisms between capital and labor and that will hopefully lead to the building up of a comradeship which will result not only in greater contentment among the mass of workmen but also bring about a greater production and a greater prosperity to business itself.

To analyze the particulars in the demands of labor is to admit the justice of their complaint in many matters that lie at their basis. The workman demands an adequate wage, sufficient to permit him to live in comfort, unhampered by the fear of poverty and want in his old age. He demands the right to live and the right to work amidst sanitary surroundings, both in home and in workshop, surroundings that develop and do not retard his own health and wellbeing; and the right to provide for his children's wants in the matter of health and education. In other words, it is his desire to make the conditions of his life and the lives of those dear to him tolerable and easy to bear.

The establishment of the principles regarding labor laid down ill the covenant of the League of Nations offers us the way to industrial peace and conciliation. No other road lies open to us. Not to pursue this one is longer to invite enmities, bitterness, and antagonisms which in the end only lead to industrial and social disaster. The unwilling workman is not a profitable servant. An employee whose industrial life is hedged about by hard and unjust conditions, which he did not create and over which he has no control, lacks that fine spirit of enthusiasm and volunteer effort which are the necessary ingredients of a great producing entity. Let us be frank about this solemn matter. The evidences of world-wide unrest which manifest themselves in violence throughout the world bid us pause and consider the means to be found to stop the spread of this contagious thing before it saps the very vitality of the nation itself. Do we gain strength by withholding the remedy? Or is it not the business of statesmen to treat these manifestations of unrest which meet us on every hand as evidences of an economic disorder and to apply constructive remedies wherever necessary, being sure that in the application of the remedy we touch not the vital tissues of our industrial and economic life? There can be no recession of the tide of unrest until constructive instrumentalities are set up to stem that tide.

Governments must recognize the right of men collectively to bargain for humane objects that have at their base the mutual protection and welfare of those engaged in all industries. Labor must not be longer treated as a commodity. It must be regarded as the activity of human beings, possessed of deep yearnings and desires. The business man gives his best thought to the repair and replenishment of his machinery, so that its usefulness will not be impaired and its power to produce may always be at its height and kept in full vigor and motion. No less regard ought to be paid to the human machine, which after all propels the machinery of the world and is the great dynamic force that lies back of all industry and progress. Return to the old standards of wage and industry in employment are unthinkable. The terrible tragedy of war which has just ended and which has brought the world to the verge of chaos and disaster would be in vain if there should ensue a return to the conditions of the past. Europe itself, whence has come the unrest which now holds the world at bay, is an example of standpatism in these vital human matters which America might well accept as an example, not to be followed but studiously to be avoided. Europe made labor the differential, and the price of it all is enmity and antagonism and prostrated industry, The right of labor to live in peace and comfort must be recognized by governments and America should be the first to lay the foundation stones upon which industrial peace shall be built.

Labor not only is entitled to an adequate wage, but capital should receive a reasonable return upon its investment and is entitled to protection at the hands of the Government in every emergency. No Government worthy of the name can "play" these elements against each other, for there is a mutuality of interest between them which the Government must seek to express and to safeguard at all cost.

The right of individuals to strike is inviolate and ought not to be interfered with by any process of Government, but there is a predominant right and that is the right of the Government to protect all of its people and to assert its power and majesty against the challenge of any class. The Government, when it asserts that right, seeks not to antagonize a class but simply to defend the right of the whole people as against the irreparable harm and injury that might be done by the attempt by any class to usurp a power that only Government itself has a right to exercise as a protection to all.

In the matter of international disputes which have led to war, statesmen have sought to set up as a remedy arbitration for war. Does this not point the way for the settlement of industrial disputes, by the establishment of a tribunal, fair and just alike to all, which will settle industrial disputes which in the past have led to war and disaster? America, witnessing the evil consequences which have followed out of such disputes between these contending forces, must not admit itself impotent to deal with these matters by means of peaceful processes. Surely, there must be some method of bringing together in a council of peace and amity these two great interests, out of which will come a happier day of peace and cooperation, a day that will make men more hopeful and enthusiastic in their various tasks, that will make for more comfort and happiness in living and a more tolerable condition among all classes of men. Certainly human intelligence can devise some acceptable tribunal for adjusting the differences between capital and labor.

This is the hour of test and trial for America. By her prowess and strength, and the indomitable courage of her soldiers, she demonstrated her power to vindicate on foreign battlefields her conceptions of liberty and justice. Let not her influence as a mediator between capital and labor be weakened and her own failure to settle matters of purely domestic concern be proclaimed to the world. There are those in this country who threaten direct action to force their will, upon a majority. Russia today, with its blood and terror, is a painful object lesson of the power of minorities. It makes little difference what minority it is; whether capital or labor, or any other class; no sort of privilege will ever be permitted to dominate this country. We are a partnership or nothing that is worth while. We are a democracy, where the majority are the masters, or all the hopes and purposes of the men who founded this government have been defeated and forgotten. In America there is but one way by which great reforms can be accomplished and the relief sought by classes obtained, and that is through the orderly processes of representative government. Those who would propose any other method of reform are enemies of this country. America will not be daunted by threats nor lose her composure or calmness in these distressing times. We can afford, in the midst of this day of passion and unrest, to be self-contained and sure. The instrument of all reform in America is the ballot. The road to economic and social reform in America is the straight road of justice to all classes and conditions of men. Men have but to follow this road to realize the full fruition of their objects and purposes. Let those beware who would take the shorter road of disorder and revolution. The right road is the road of justice and orderly process.

http://www.let.rug.nl/usa/presidents/woodrow-wilson/state-of-the-union-1919.php
_________________

“I hope you live a life you are proud of. If you find that you are not, l hope you have the strength to start all over again.
- F. Scott Fitzgerald
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BerichtGeplaatst: 02 Dec 2019 15:04    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

SIGURD VON ILSEMANN

(...) Tussen de aantekeningen van Von Ilsemann zijn af en toe dagboekpassages van Elisabeth Bentinck opgenomen. Zij is de dochter van graaf Godard van Aldenburg Bentinck, die de keizer en keizerin enkele jaren onderdak biedt in zijn kasteel in Amerongen. Als dank hiervoor schenkt de keizerin haar lievelingspaard Uranus aan Elisabeth. Op deze manier leert zij Sigurd von Ilsemann kennen, met wie ze trouwt in 1920. Elisabeth schrijft iets gevoeliger dan Von Ilsemann over het leven met de majesteiten in Amerongen, maar ze is ook kritisch over de onjuistheden die de keizer soms verkondigt en de manier waarop men beschermend met hem omgaat. 

Zij schrijft op 2 december 1919: ‘De keizer, die nu dagelijks een stil, eentonig leven leidt en die ‘s morgens onder een afdak met zijn adjudant Amerongse bomen zaagt of in ons kinderhuisje zit, zich warmend aan een klein vuur in onze voormalige speelgoedkachel. Hij rookt een sigaret totdat de keizerin na haar wandeling de ongelukkige echtgenoot komt opzoeken en hem bewondert omdat hij vandaag al weer zoveel hout heeft gezaagd. Alleen God weet, hoe dit leven van de banneling op een dag zal eindigen.'

https://www.huisdoorn.nl/nl/museum-park/wilhelm-ii/sigurd-von-ilsemann/
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“I hope you live a life you are proud of. If you find that you are not, l hope you have the strength to start all over again.
- F. Scott Fitzgerald
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BerichtGeplaatst: 02 Dec 2019 15:08    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

The Diary of Arthur L. Linfoot - 58th Field Ambulance, R.A.M.C.

2 December 1918; Monday - Up at about 8 o’clock. Walked round town. Went to Mill in the afternoon and saw Mr Sandilands and he practically told me that they didn’t want me back. Had a little party, Jack Holt, Charlie, Dora, Olive, Ada, Betty and Hilda to supper. Stayed until about 3 o’clock.

https://www.arthurlinfoot.org.uk/2018/12/02/2-december-1918-monday/
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