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2 oktober

 
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Emiel



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BerichtGeplaatst: 02 Okt 2006 6:39    Onderwerp: 2 oktober Reageer met quote

1914
Zwei Fort von Antwerpen genommen! -
Abgewiesene französische Umfassungsversuche!
Großem Hauptquartier, 2. Oktober, abends. (Amtlich.)
Von dem westlichen Armeeflügel wurden erneute Umfassungsversuche der Franzosen abgewiesen. Südlich Roye sind die Franzosen aus ihren Stellungen geworfen.
In der Mitte der Schlachtfront blieb die Lage unverändert.
Die in den Argonnen vordringenden Truppen erkämpften im Vorschreiten nach Süden wesentliche Vorteile.
Östlich der Maas unternahmen die Franzosen aus Toul energische nächtliche Vorstöße, die unter schweren Verlusten für sie zurückgeworfen wurden.
Vor Antwerpen sind das Fort Wavre-St.-Catharine und die Redoute Dorpveld mit Zwischenwerken gestern Nachmittag 5 Uhr erstürmt, das Fort Waelhem eingeschlossen worden. Der westlich herausgeschobene wichtige Schulterpunkt Termonde befindet sich in unserem Besitz.
Auf dem östlichen Kriegsschauplatz scheint der Vormarsch russischer Kräfte über den Njemen gegen das Gouvernement Suwalki bevorzustehen. 1)

1915
Mißglückte französische und englische Angriffe - Gescheiterter russischer Durchbruchsversuch bei Tarnopol

Großes Hauptquartier, 2. Oktober.
Westlicher Kriegsschauplatz:
Die Engländer suchten heute nacht das ihnen in den Kämpfen der letzten Tage wieder abgenommene Gelände nördlich von Loos im Gegenangriff zurückzuerobern. Der Versuch scheiterte unter schweren, blutigen Verlusten für den Feind.
Französische Angriffe südwestlich Angrès, östlich Souchez, sowie nördlich Neuville wurden abgeschlagen. Die Anzahl der Gefangenen, die unsere Truppen in diesem englisch-französischen Angriffsabschnitt bisher machten, ist auf 106 Offiziere, 3642 Mann gestiegen. Die Beute an Maschinengewehren beträgt 26.
In der Champagne griffen die Franzosen mittags östlich Aubérive in breiter Front an. Der Angriff mißglückte. Nur an einer Stelle drang der Feind in unsere Stellung ein; badische Leibgrenadiere gingen zum Gegenangriff vor und nahmen 1 Offizier, 70 Mann gefangen; der Rest des eingedrungenen Feindes fiel.
Französische Angriffe nördlich Le Mesnil und nordwestlich Ville-sur-Tourbe wurden abgewiesen.
Bei der Abwehr der Angriffe während der letzten Tage zeichnete sich nordöstlich von Le Mesnil besonders das Reserveregiment Nr. 29 aus.
Die Gesamtzahl der Gefangenen und die Beute aus den Kämpfen nördlich von Arras und in der Champagne erreichte gestern die Höhe von 211 Offizieren, 10721 Mann, 35 Maschinengewehren.
Der Bombenabwurf eines von Paris zum Angriff auf Laon abgestiegenen Fluggeschwaders hatte den Tod einer Frau und eines Kindes und die schwere Verletzung eines Bürgers der Stadt als Erfolg. Unsere Abwehrkanonen schossen ein Flugzeug südlich Laon ab, dessen Insassen gefangengenommen wurden; ein anderes feindliches Flugzeug stürzte brennend über Soissons ab.
Östlicher Kriegsschauplatz:
Heeresgruppe des Generalfeldmarschalls v. Hindenburg:
Nördlich von Postawy sind Kavalleriegefechte im Gange. Südlich des Naroczsees bei Spiagla und östlich von Wischnew wurden russische Vorstöße abgewiesen. Von stärkeren Angriffen nahm der Feind nach den verlustreichen Fehlschlägen des 30. September Abstand.
Unsere Truppen haben gestern bei Smorgon 3 Offiziere, 1100 Mann zu Gefangenen gemacht und 3 Maschinengewehre erbeutet.
Heeresgruppe des Generalfeldmarschalls Prinz Leopold von Bayern:
Vor der Front der Heeresgruppe herrschte im allgemeinen Ruhe. Auch hier verzichtete der Gegner auf die Fortführung seiner Angriffe. Vor unseren Linien liege viele Gefallene des Feindes.
Heeresgruppe des Generals v. Linsingen:
Die feindliche Stellung bei Czernycz (am Kormin) wurde von unseren Truppen erstürmt. Der Feind wnrde nach Norden geworfen, er ließ 1300 Gefangene in unseren Händen.
An den anderen Stellen der Front wurden weitere 1100 Gefangene gemacht.
Bei der Armee des Generals Grafen Bothmer hatten die Russen in der Nacht vom 29. zum 30. September einen Durchbruchsversuch westlich Tarnopol unternommen. Der Versuch scheiterte völlig unter sehr erheblichen Verlusten für den Gegner. Von nur einer unserer Divisionen sind bisher 1168 Russen bestattet, 400-500 liegen noch vor der Front. Zahlreiche Gewehre wurden erbeutet.

1916
Neuer Luftschiffangriff auf London

Berlin, 2. Oktober.
In der Nacht zum 2. Oktober haben mehrere Marineluftschiffe London und Industrieanlagen am Humber erfolgreich mit Bomben belegt. Die Luftschiffe sind trotz heftiger Beschießung durch Brandgranaten und Fliegerangriffe unbeschädigt zurückgekehrt bis auf eins, das nach den Beobachtungen anderer Luftschiffe durch das Feuer der Abwehrbatterien in Brand geschossen worden und über London abgestürzt ist.


1917
Schwere Verluste der Engländer am Euphrat

Konstantinopel, 2. Oktober.
Kaukasusfront: Im rechten Flügelabschnitt scheiterte der Überfallversuch einer feindlichen Kompagnie in unserem Feuer.
Euphratfront: Der Gegner erlitt beim Angriff gegen unsere Vortruppen schwere Verluste, die ihn veranlaßten, nicht weiter vorzugehen.
Dialafront: Eine englische Abteilung, die über den Fluß setzen wollte, wurde durch unser Feuer vertrieben.





http://www.stahlgewitter.com/
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Emiel



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BerichtGeplaatst: 02 Okt 2006 6:40    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

1919 : U.S President Woodrow Wilson suffers massive stroke

On October 2, 1919, at the White House in Washington, D.C., United States President Woodrow Wilson suffers a massive stroke that leaves him partially paralyzed on his left side and effectively ends his presidential career.


At the time of the stroke, Wilson had poured all his strength into a last-ditch effort to win public support for the Versailles Treaty and its vision of international cooperation through a League of Nations in the aftermath of the devastating First World War. After the Senate Foreign Relations Committee began its debate on the treaty at the end of July, Wilson took the unprecedented step of appearing personally before the committee to argue strenuously for ratification, making it clear he would accept no changes to the treaty as written. While the committee—headed by Wilson’s nemesis, Republican Senator Henry Cabot Lodge—voted on various amendments to the treaty, Wilson took his case to the American people, ignoring his doctors’ advice and embarking on a whistle-stop tour of the country to drum up support for the treaty and the League.


The trip began on September 2, 1919; by the end of that month, after traveling continuously and making as many as three speeches a day, Wilson was crippled by exhaustion. On September 25, he collapsed after delivering a speech in Pueblo, Colorado, and subsequently returned to Washington, where a massive cerebral hemorrhage on October 2 nearly killed him. Even while incapacitated, however, Wilson continued to influence proceedings regarding the Versailles Treaty. After a long and bitter struggle, the Senate voted on Lodge’s motion to ratify the treaty—but only with a number of amendments attached—on March 19, 1920. Thanks to the senators loyal to Wilson—who remained steadfastly unwilling to accept ratification of any compromised version of the treaty—and those who opposed the treaty in any form, the ratification resolution failed to obtain the necessary two-thirds majority, and the Senate consequently refused to ratify the Treaty of Versailles.


The recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize in 1919, Wilson completed his term as president and spent the last three years of his life in retirement, nursed by his second wife, Edith. He died in 1924.

http://www.history.com/
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Percy Toplis



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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Okt 2010 20:57    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

On This Day - 2 October 1914

Western Front
Battle round Arras: French hard pressed.
Antwerp: Belgians retire across the Nethe: Germans occupy Termonde.

Eastern Front
East Prussian Frontier: Russians recover Mariampol.

Southern Front
Bosnia: Serbians and Montenegrins renew their advance towards Sarajevo.

Naval and Overseas Operations
East Africa: British victory at Gazi.
H.M.S. "Cumberland" captures nine German liners, etc., in Cameroon River.

Political, etc.
Great Britain: Mr Asquith's speech at Cardiff disclosing German proposals to Britain in 1912.

http://www.firstworldwar.com/onthisday/1914_10_02.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Okt 2010 20:59    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

War Diary 2nd Battalion York and Lancaster Regiment - October 1914

Date - 2nd October
Place - VAIILY
Summary of Events and Information - Line slightly extended
Trench of “B” Coy’s Platoon on East side of VAILLY – MAISON ROUGE ROAD taken over by Leicestershire Regt Remainder of “B” Coy’s trenches taken over by “C” Coy “B” Coy withdrawn & moved to our left, taking over the trenches formerly occupied by Right Company of The Buffs. 1 Platoon of “D” Coy still retained with Head Quarters as Battalion Reserve Head Quarters moved to SAND PIT in centre of new position Changes effected before daylight

http://yourarchives.nationalarchives.gov.uk/index.php?title=War_Diary_2nd_Battalion_York_and_Lancaster_Regiment_-_October_1914
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Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Okt 2010 21:02    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

De val van Antwerpen (october 1914) by Muls, Jozef, 1882-1961

Ik trok 's anderdaags, vrijdag 2 october, rond elf uur in den morgen met mijn vriend Karel van den Oever, naar de Sint Michielskerk op het Zuid. Wij hadden afspraak met den kosterszoon om den toren te beklimmen en van daaruit den aan-gang-zijnden slag aan den horizont waartenemen. De waterlijding was in Antwerpen geschorst dien zelfden morgen. De vijand was dus meester van de Nethe. De strijd om het bezit der stad naderde zonder twijfel de tweede verdedigingslijn. De kerk was leeg. Wij vonden langs binnen het torendeurtje en weldra stonden wij, boven de klokkenkamer, door de hooge rondgeboogde galmgaten te turen in de richting van Mechelen. Het duurde een tijd eer wij onzen weg vonden door de wijde eindeloosheid, die onder onze oogen open lag. Alles smolt in elkaar tot een olijfgroen landschap, velden, boomen, wegen en verre dorpjes. Maar op eens kregen wij Sint Rombouts toren in 't gezicht. Die stond als een hooge af geknotte mast, schalieblauw boven den einder. Dan zagen wij, laag bij den grond, links van den toren en naar het Oosten toe, eene golvende wolkenbank met striemingen van rood licht, het was de vuurlijn. Sint Rombouts stak er boven uit, alsof die oude steenen reus zelf in 't gedrang was gekomen van zijn vechtende en stervende kinderen. De aarde scheen aan den horizont te bewegen en te branden. Immeraan dampten wolken van witten en blauwen rook omhoog waardoor, af en toe, een roode lichtflits gleed en de wolkjes roos begloorde. Nader bij Antwerpen en naar onze schatting boven de streek tusschen Contich en Duffel steeg een verkenningsballon omhoog en de geel-beglansde worst ging zweven met den sleep van zijn slank-buigenden kabel, die als een ragfijne spinnewebdraad op het luchtvlies zichtbaar bleef. Vreemd hong die wanstaltige massa in het vlekkeloos hemelblauw. Dadelijk begon daarrond het spelend gedans van de witte wolkjes der openknarsende shrapnels. Maar de ballon bleef drijven, ongedeerd, traag wendend en keerend in den wind, boven de belgische troepen die daar moesten gelegerd zijn. Wij luisterden aandachtig naar de ruimte met dien gruwelijken dijk van rook en vuur aan de einder. Maar wij hoorden niets dan het staag geruisch der groote stad aan onze voeten. Geen enkele, zelfs gedempte rommeling van kanonnen kwam ons toe van uit de verte. Heel het land lag eenzaam en schijnbaar zoo rustig. Vliegeniers kwamen toen aangevlogen, als groote vogels opduikend uit de luchtdiepten, en streken neer in breede spiralen tot op het vliegplein van Wilrijck. Het ronken hunner schroeven klonk nu, heel nabij, als het gedreun van orgels. De Schelde, waarvan de wit-glimmende wenteling door de westergalmgaten te zien was, lag leeg van schepen, verlaten en naargeestig als een gevloekte stroom. Aan den overkant strekte het Vlaamsche land, als een grauw-gele woestenij, mijlen en mijlen ver met de torens van Zwijndrecht, Melsele, Beveren, achter elkaar, en het donker betooverd puin van Rubenskasteel, heel nabij in de olijfgroene polders, waardoor wit de grachten blonken. Wij dachten toen nog niet aan den aftocht van ons leger, dat langs daar zijn redding zou moeten zoeken in een rusteloozen trek van Antwerpen tot aan den Yzer, altijd voort altijd voort, zonder genade. Nu kwam nog niets den vrede van dat land verstooren. De wielschepen van den overzetdienst deden gezapig hunne reizen over den stroom en kleintjes klauterden menschen en wagens den steenen dijk op van Sint Anna. Hoe sterft toch het grootste getier van wapenen op eenige uren afstand uit! Ginder heel ver, woedde de slag maar hoe kalm en ongestoord lag nog de stad en hoe zeker in het midden van die groote ruimten van vrye ongeschonden velden. Zou daar toch ook eens slag geleverd worden? Zou ons leger, achteruit wijkend, elk stuk grond daar, voet voor voet, verdedigen, om den vijand, aan geen prijs, door te laten tot de stad die nu de laatste wijkplaats was van het vaderland? Wij bleven hopen zoolang zij niet gevallen was. Maar toen wij, afgedaald van onzen toren, weer door de straten liepen, wisten wij maar al te wel hoe dreigend de nood was, Met eigen oogen hadden wij de vuurlijn gezien. Die lijn zou nauwer en nauwer toesluiten rond de stad en wat ging dan haar lot zijn morgen? Wij stapten sprakeloos voort en mijn vriend zag met weemoed naar de huizen die hij minde en die tot gruis-en steenhoopen konden worden neergebeukt. Ik zat in den nanoen, niet zonder gejaagdheid, de hollandsche kranten te lezen in den Kunstkring. De "Times" werd niet meer toegelaten, daar stonden de gebeurtenissen te klaar in beschreven. Eensklaps dreunde kanongebulder over de stad. Wij sprongen op, de enkele lezers die daar rustig zaten in de lederen zetels van het fluisterstille kabinet. Wij liepen naar een terras op den tuin vanwaar eene wijde hemelruimte boven de huizen zichtbaar was. Eene duitsche Taube snorde door de lucht en dreef recht over de plaats waar wij stonden. Het was de dood die over ons heen vloog, want bommen waren reeds gevallen en nieuwe bommen konden worden uitgeworpen. Was het onbedachtzaamheid die ons staan hield onbewogen, terwijl wij aandachtig door de lucht het spel volgden der omzwevende wolkjes van de ontploffende schrapnels? Was het een wraakachtig verlangen den vijandelijken vlieger als een gekwetste vogel te zien neer tuimelen uit dien blauwen hemel? Was het misschien wel onverschilligheid voor alle werkelijk gevaar waar toch niets meer tegen te doen valt? Was het een onbewust vertrouwen dat ons uur nog niet gekomen was? Ik dacht aan die zielesterkte waar Marcus Aurelius van gewaagt, die onbewogenheid der ziel die zich voegt naar hare lotsbestemming en naar de omstandigheden waar zij geen meesterschap meer over heeft. Sterven op dat oogenblik, zoo scheen het mij, had toch niets bitters meer indien het zoo beschikt was. De Taube ging aan 't stijgen, buiten 't bereik onzer kanonnen en verdween weldra als een onbeduidend stipje in het wit-blauw der hemeldiepten. De kanonnen zwegen. Bommen waren te Berchem gevallen en hadden een vrouw en een kind gedood. De vijandelijke vliegenier had ook strooibiljetten uitgesmeten waar op te lezen stond dat de bevolking van Antwerpen bedrogen werd en de val der stad aanstaande was. Dat nieuws werd door de bladen met spotternij vermeld. Onze forten zouden bewijzen of Antwerpen stand hield ja of neen.

http://www.scribd.com/doc/2393758/De-val-van-Antwerpen-october-1914-by-Muls-Jozef-18821961
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Okt 2010 21:05    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

The race to the sea

(...) The German intent did not escape the notice of the French. The then French Commander-in-Chief Joseph Joffre had recognised Falkenhayn's intentions to launch holding attacks and launch an attempt to expose the open flank north of Arras. Joffre withdrew French units before German spoiling attacks began. These formations were positioned north of the Oise, as part of General Noel de Castlenau's French Second Army on the Somme, on 17 September, than as a part of Louis de Maud'huy's French Tenth Army further north on 2 October. (...)

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/First_Battle_of_Ypres
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Okt 2010 21:07    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

The Collapse of the Central Powers: Revolution in Germany

Germany’s first revolution was a quiet one that happened in two stages. On September 29, 1918, Germany’s top two generals, Paul von Hindenburg and Erich Ludendorff, pressured Kaiser Wilhelm II into establishing a constitutional monarchy, because the Allied forces refused to negotiate with the kaiser and insisted upon dealing with representatives of the German people instead.

On October 2, the kaiser relinquished all of his authority regarding military decisions to the new Parliament—an act that, for all practical purposes, reduced the kaiser to a figurehead. His cousin, Prince Max von Baden, was named chancellor and effectively assumed leadership of the country. Although Prince Max immediately began to make inquiries to the Allies about an armistice, he was not ready to surrender unconditionally, as he believed that he could negotiate favorable terms for Germany, despite continuing losses on the battlefield. A lengthy exchange of diplomatic notes went on for the next month.

http://www.sparknotes.com/history/european/ww1/section11.rhtml
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Marcel Wauters, Vlaams schrijver en kunstenaar 1921-2005
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Okt 2010 21:12    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Diary of EW Manifold

Edward Walford Manifold grew up in the Western District of Victoria but travelled to England to join the Royal Field Artillery when World War I broke out.

Letter Home - 2 October 1915
RA Mess - Ipswich

2nd October, 1915

Dear Mother,

There is little news this week, and am afraid there will be less every week now until we move from here. We are all quite broken into the place and its ways, some of which take some understanding. This week has slipped by very quickly: I suppose it is because the routine of work is always the same and also because one does not get much time to sit down and think about anything.

I discovered the other day they are trying to teach the officers here in three months what in peace time takes three years – sort of explained a great deal to one who is in the place and trying to get hold of things.

On Friday, or Thursday rather, we went out on horses with prismatic compasses and tried to find our way by the map and to sketch the country. I'm afraid we did not know much about it, but I suppose it will come later. The best part of the whole business was that we were out for a ride, instead of being in the riding school.

We were out with our battery today, and I had to ride one of the centre horses. It was rather exciting work as we missed several posts by inches. Most of the horses were strange to the work.

Walford.

http://ewmanifold.blogspot.com/2010/10/letter-home-2-october-1915.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Okt 2010 21:15    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Emily Greene Balch, "The Time to Make Peace," The Survey, 35 (2 October 1915)

In this second Survey article, Emily Greene Balch analyzed the status of the war in the autumn of 1915 and described possible terms for peace. She asked whether any lasting victory could result from this war and expressed the need for respect of the belligerent nations, especially Germany. She spoke against vengeance or an unjust peace, and emphasized the role of the neutral nations in peace talks.

The Time to Make Peace
By Emily Greene Balch - ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF POLITICAL ECONOMY, WELLESLEY COLLEGE

There is a widespread feeling that this is not the moment to talk of a European peace. On the contrary there is reason to believe that the psychological moment may be very close upon us. If, in the wisdom that comes after the event, we see the United States was dilatory when it might have helped to end bloodshed and make a fair and lasting settlement, we shall have cause for deep self-reproach.

The question of peace is a question of terms. Every country desires peace at the earliest possible moment at which it can be had on terms satisfactory to itself. Peace is possible the moment that each side would accept what the other would grant, but from the international or human point of view a satisfactory peace is possible only when the claims and concessions are such as to forward and not hinder human progress. If Germany’s terms are the annexation of Belgium and part of France and a military hegemony over the rest of Europe, or if on the other hand the terms of France or of England include "wiping Germany off the map of Europe" there is no possibility of peace at the present time nor at any time that can be foreseen, nor does the world desire peace on these terms.

In one sense the present war is a conflict between the two great sets of belligerent powers, but in a different and very real sense it is a conflict between two conceptions of national policy. The catchwords "democracy" and "imperialism" may be used briefly to indicate the opposing ideas. In every country both are represented, though in varying proportions, and in every country there is strife between them.

In each belligerent nation there are those that want to continue the fight till military supremacy is achieved, in each there are powerful forces that seek a settlement of a wiser type which, in stead of containing such threats to stability as are involved in annexation, humiliation of the enemy, and in competition of armaments, shall secure rational independence all round, protect the rights of minorities and foster international co-operation.

One of the too little realized effects of the war is the overriding of the regular civil government by the military authorities in all the warring countries. The forms of constitutionalism may be undisturbed but as inter arma leges silent[A] so in time of war military power-–no less really because unobtrusively--tends to control the representatives of the people. Von Tirpitz, Kitchener, Joffre, have in greater or less degree over-shadowed their nominal masters.

Another effect of war is that, as between the two contending voices, the one is given a megaphone, the other is muffled if not gagged. Papers and platforms are open to "patriotic" utterances as patriotism is understood by the jingo; the moderate is silenced not alone by the censor, not alone by social pressure, but also by his own sense of the effect abroad of all that gives an impression of the internal division and of a readiness to quit the fight. In our own country during the height of tension with Germany, loyal Americans who believed that the case of the United States was not a strong one (and a hundred million people cannot all think alike on such an issue) those who loathe the thought of war over such a quarrel, could not and would not give any commensurate expression to their views for fear that they might make it harder for our government to induce Germany to render her warfare less inhuman.

Everywhere war puts out of sight the moderates and the forces that make for peace and gives an exaggerated influence to militaristic and jingo forces creating a false impression of the pressure for extreme terms.

Of course each country desires as favorable terms as it can get and therefore would prefer to make peace at a moment when the great struggle--which in a rough general sense is a stale-mate--is marked by some incident advantageous to itself. Germany would like to make peace from the crest of the wave of her invasion to Russia; Russia and England would like to make terms from the conquered Constantinople. If the disinterested neutrals, who alone are free to act for peace, wait for a moment when neither side has any advantage they will wait long indeed.

But the minor ups and downs of the war, shifting and unpredictable, are relatively much less important than they appear. The grim unchanging fact which affects both sides and which is to the changing fortunes of battle as the miles of immovable oceans depths are to the waves on the surface--this all out-weighing fact is the intolerable burden of continued war. This it is which makes a momentary advantage comparatively unimportant. All the belligerents want peace, though probably with different intensity; none of them wants it enough to cry, "I surrender."

The making of peace involves not only questions of the character of the terms, of demands more or less extreme; it also involves the question of the principle according to which settlements are to be made. There are again two conflicting conceptions.

On the one hand is the assumption that military advantage must be represented quid pro quo on the terms-so much victory, so much corresponding advantage in the settlement. There is even the commercial conception of war as an investment and the idea that the fighter has a right to indemnity for what he has spent.

On the other hand it is assumed that the war having thrown certain international adjustments into the melting pot, the problem is to create a new adjustment such as shall on the whole be as generally satisfactory and contain as much promise of stability as practicable.

Even in a settlement based on such considerations the balance of physical force could not be merely ignored. Gains won by force create no claim that anyone is bound to respect yet while the expenditure of blood and treasure gives no right to reimbursement (and it is to the general interest that such expenditure, undertaken more or less on speculation, should never prove a good investment), nevertheless the arbitrament of war, being an arbitrament of violence, relative power is bound to tell in the resulting adjustment.

It is important, therefore, to consider that, with a given balance of relative strength as between the contending sides, an equilibrium may be expressed in more than one way, as there are equations which admit of more than one solution. The equilibrium of opposing claims might be secured by balancing unjust acquisition or by balancing magnanimous concession against magnanimous concession. A neutral mediator or mediating group acting in the interest of civilization in general and of the future might, without throwing any weight into the scale of one or the other side, help them to find the equilibrium on the higher rather than on the lower level.

On the basis of military advantage or on the basis of military costs the neutrals have no claim to be heard in the settlement. The soldier is genuinely aggrieved and outraged that they should mix in the matter at all. Yet even on the plane of fighting power the unexhausted neutral may fling a sword into the scale and on the plea of costs suffered the neutral may demand a voice. It is, however, supremely as representatives of humanity and civilization and the true interests of all sides a lie that those who are not in the thick of the conflict can and should be of use in the settlement and help to find it on the higher plane.

The settlement of a war by outsiders-not their mere friendly cooperation- is something that has often occurred, exhibiting the curious mixture of the crassest brute force with the most ambitious idealism which often characterizes the conduct of international dealings. The fruits of the victory were refused to Russia by the Congress of Berlin in 1878, Europe forbade Japan the spoils of her war in China in 1895, and the results of the Balkan wars were largely determined by those who had done none of the fighting. While mere might played a large part in such interference from the outside there is something beside hypocrisy in the claim of the statesmen of countries which had not taken part in the war to speak on behalf of freedom, progress, and peace.

A peace involving annexation of unwilling peoples could never be a lasting one. The widespread sense of irritation at all talk of peace at present seems to be due to a feeling that a settlement now would be a settlement which would leave Belgium if not part of France in German hands. Such a settlement would be disastrous to Germany as to any other nation. It might put an end to military operations but it certainly would not bring peace if we give any moral content to that much abused word. Europe was not at peace before August 1914, nor Ireland for long before, nor Poland, nor Alsace, nor Finland. Any community which, if it could, would fight to change its political status, may be quiet under coercion but it is not at peace. Neither would Europe be at peace with Germany in Belgium.

The question then is what sort of peace may we at least hope for now- on what terms, on what principles?

We may be sure that each side is ready to concede more and to demand less than appears on the surface or than is ready to advertise. The summer campaign, in which marked advantages are mostly likely, is nearly over and a winter in the trenches will cost on all sides money and suffering out of all proportion to the advances that can be hoped for. It must be remembered too, that the advantages hitherto gained are not all on one side but that each has something to concede. The British annexations of Egypt and Cyprus may be formal rather than the substantial changes but the conquest of the German colonies large and small- South West Africa, Togo Land, Samoa, Neu Pommern, Kaiser Wilhelmsland, the Solomon, Caroline and Marshall Islands, to say nothing of Kiao-Chao- and probably Russian gains at the expense of Turkey in the East-give bargaining power to the Allies. So also, even without success in the Dardanelles, does their ability to thwart or forward the Germans in Asia Minor and Mesopotamia.

Friends of Finland and of Poland must see to it that the debatable lands of the eastern as well as the western frontier are kept in mind. From the point of view of Poland the main thing to be desired is the union of the three dismembered parts-Russian, German, and Austrian Poland, - and their fusion in some sort of a buffer state, independent or at least essentially autonomous. Something like this appears to be the purpose of both Germany and Russia with the difference that this Polish state would be in the one case under Teutonic, in the other under Russian, auspices. No one knows which would be the choice as between the two of the majority of the Poles concerned. Concessions to Germany in Finland and Poland are at least conceivable and would make the concession of complete withdrawal in the West easier for her to make. Still more important are the concessions in regard to naval control of the seas which Great Britain ought to be willing to make if the safety of her commerce and intercolonial communications can be adequately secured otherwise, and this would seem to be the natural counterpart of substantial steps toward disarmament on land.

But all this is speculation. The fact obvious to those who look below the surface, is that every belligerent power is that every belligerent power is carrying on a war deadly to itself, that bankruptcy looms ahead, that industrial revolt threatens, not at the moment but in a none too distant future, that racial stocks are begin irreparably depleted. The prestige of Europe, of the Christian Church, of the white race is lowered inch by inch with the progress of the struggle which is continually closer to the debacle of a civilization.

Each power would best like peace on its own terms. Our common civilization would suffer by the imposition of extreme terms by any power. Each people would be thankful indeed to secure an early peace without humiliation a long way short of its extreme demands.

There is thus every reason to believe that a vigorous initiative by representatives of the neutral powers of the world could at this moment begin a move toward negotiations and lead the way to a settlement which, please God, shall be a step toward a nobler and more intelligent civilization than we have yet enjoyed.

http://womhist.alexanderstreet.com/hague/doc15.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Okt 2010 21:18    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Garrett War Diary - OCTOBER 1915 Mundros/Lemnos

2nd October 1915 Saturday - Saw Dentist this morning, whether he could refix my bridgings. He said he would have to send away to get the job done and to come around in the morning. What does that mean?

"Pay Bob" this morning. Paid 2 Pounds and all in new silver shilling pieces. Bought 2 tins of salmon, 2 tins pineapple (1/- per tin), a pipe (1/-), worchester (6d), and biscuits to make up 7/-

The Greeks have packed up and the new canteen has thousands of pounds worth of stock, 10,000 Pounds worth I hear. The Major running it reckons he has lost 1,000 Pounds in transit. Broachit, hardly believe it. He has eight or ten marques packed to the roof with stock. Supposed to be run at cost price.

Something going to happen on the Peninsular I fancy. Very heavy bombarding going on last night. Weather warming a bit after the cold spell a few days ago.
Turkish prisoners guard tonight. One I was talking with and who asked me, "Haf you any bread?" and, "Haf you any jamba?" "Jamba very good." Says, "Turky prisoners no good, me Greek." He was at Gaba Tepe. "Warships bom, bom, Turkish dead plenty." "Machine Gun Germans." He could talk a smattering of English and some French.

He had another Greek with him, "English fight for cross, Turk for moon and star.", pointing to a dozen Turks praying he laughed sneeringly, "for Mohamet."
One of the Turks was singing or praying in long drawn out notes, reminds one at times of a bagpipe. Some of them have good voices and at nighttime it sounds not too bad tough a trifle weird. There are many long drawn out notes where it seems that the singer is trying to see how long he can keep going without drawing a breathe.

http://www.grantsmilitaria.com/garrett/html/oct1915.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Okt 2010 21:23    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Harry Farr

(...) Hij moest vervolgens op 2 oktober 1916 voorkomen voor een krijgsraad die bestond uit een luitenant-kolonel, een kapitein en een luitenant. Tijdens deze bijeenkomst werden eerst vier getuigen gehoord die door de militaire aanklager waren opgeroepen. Daarna moest Harry Farr, voor wie geen raadsman beschikbaar was, zichzelf verdedigen waarbij ook nog twee getuigen à decharge werden gehoord.

De krijgsraad had vervolgens twintig minuten nodig om tot een uitspraak te komen, waarbij geen enkele aandacht werd besteed aan zijn medische achtergrond. Hij werd schuldig bevonden wegens ‘Misbehaving before the enemy in such a manner as to show cowardice’ en veroordeeld tot de doodstraf. Generaal Haig bekrachtigde zijn doodvonnis op 14 oktober. (...)

Public Record Office, Kew - File No: WO71/509

Field General Court Martial at VILLE-SUR-ANCRE, 2 October 1916
Alleged Offender: No.8871 Pte. Harry T. FARR 1st Bn. West Yorkshire Regt.
Offence Charged: Section 4.(7) Army Act (Misbehaving before the enemy in such a manner as to show cowardice)

Plea: Not Guilty

Finding and sentence: Guilty. Death.

President: Lt. Col. F. Spring 11th Bn. Essex Regt.
Members: Capt. J. Jones 2nd Bn. Durham Light Infantry
Lt. C. A. V. Newsome 14th Bn. Durham Light Infantry

Convening Officer:

[signed] Bridgeford Brig. Genl. Commanding 18th Infy.Bde.

Confirmed:

[signed] D. Haig Genl. 14 Oct: 16

http://www.wereldoorlog1418.nl/shotatdawn.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Okt 2010 21:25    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

28th Battalion History - The Somme - Fall 1916

October 2, 1916 - Intermittent shell fire, fairly heavy, especially in Kenora (?) Trench which was held by 'D' Company.

http://www.nwbattalion.com/history4.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Okt 2010 21:27    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

The New Zealand Medical Service in the Great War 1914-1918

Operations on the2nd October, 1916.
The last operation, in which the New Zealand Division was engaged, was the taking of Eaucourt L'Abbaye by the 47th Division—now returned to our left—a hard fought soldiers' battle lasting two days and costing us many casualties. The 2nd Brigade were chiefly engaged although part of the 3rd Brigade was employed on the right. At 2.30 p.m. on the 2nd of October, the whole of the corps artillery was turned on in front of the New Zealand lines covering nearly 2000 yards,—no other division of the XVth Corps was moving—with this barrage oil drums ejected from mortars were mingled which, bursting after they landed, drenched the enemy trenches in sheets of flame. Our assaulting columns met with fire heavier than usual but, in spite of serious losses, had secured their objectives and a bit more than was required by 5 p.m. The oil drums had worked dreadful havoc; two groups of German dead, some 30 in all, were found in a holocaust so burnt as to be unrecognisable. But our casualties for the day were heavy: 106 killed, 108 missing, 378 wounded, of which some were reaching the A.D.S. by 5 p.m.— mostly severe wounds—many compound fractures. Rain fell during the night. By 6 a.m on October the 2nd, 84 stretcher cases and 148 sitting had already passed through the Flat Iron and wounded were coming quickly all that day. The motor ambulances were able to get up as far as Thistle Dump, evacuating from there direct to M.D.S. By 6 p.m. 388 wounded had cleared the A.D.S. and the R.A.P.'s were reported clear. The carry was long and very difficult for the bearers as the ground in the open was much churned up owing to the rain. On the 3rd again it rained, but the wounded came in steadily and by the 4th no New Zealand wounded remained in the field. The total wounded for the three days was reported to be 772.

Lees verder op http://www.nzetc.org/tm/scholarly/tei-WH1-Medi-t1-g1-t1-body-d9-d5.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Okt 2010 21:31    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Meierijsche Courant, Dinsdag 2 October 1917.

Valkenswaard. Brutale diefstal met inbraak. Zaterdagnamidd. tusschen 3 en 4 uur werd bij de Kinderen Peels, ’t Hoekje alhier diefstal gepleegd. Door het opschuiven van een zijraam is ingebroken en zijn verder alle kasten doorsnuffeld waarvan eene welke gesloten was werd opengebroken. Hierin bevond zich een doosje met geld, inhoudende briefjes van f 1, f 2,50 en eenig zilveren geld benevens eene beurs met eenig geld hetwelk totaal werd meegenomen. Een horloge en eenige gouden en zilveren sieraden zijn ongedeerd gelaten. Toch schijnt de dief gestoord te zijn geweest daar in de kast nog meer geld aanwezig was doch waarschijnlijk niet is opgemerkt. Direct werd aangifte gedaan bij de politie, die onmiddellijk een onderzoek instelde doch tot bij het afzenden van dit bericht was van den dader nog geen spoor. Toch schijnt het toe dat hier geen onbekenden hun slag hebben geslagen. De oudste dochter tevens huishoudster ging om 3 uur aardappels rooien en de andere inwoners waren deels op de fabriek tot 4 uur en deels ander werk verrichten zoodat juist op dat uur de woning gesloten was, van welke gelegenheid door den dief is gebruik gemaakt.

http://www.shgv.nl/KrantenArtikelen/1917.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Okt 2010 21:38    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Zonnebeke

(...) In his reminiscences of his time with the 57th Battalion, To the Last Ridge, Walter Downing wrote of this final action of the Fifth Division on the Western Front:

… on sweeping over the summit of a ridge, we came into view of the main German position, to which he had retired; and for the third time in three days we were caught in the German barrage, for the third time caught in unsubdued machine gun fire. By now there were so few of us left that a further advance was out of the question. We dug in. At two o’clock next morning 2 October 1918 we were relieved … We were never to see the line again.
- Walter Downing. To the Last Ridge, Melbourne, 1920, reprinted 2000, p. 183

http://www.ww1westernfront.gov.au/zonnebeke/index.html
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Okt 2010 21:40    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Memoirs & Diaries - Messines, October 1918

It was a cold wet day towards the end of September 1918, and we had pulled our guns out from our position on Pilckem Ridge from which we had been firing on Passchendaele.

We were resting in an old school at Hazebroucke while our O.C. had been finding a new "possy" for our guns. I had been with this particular battery about five months, having come out from Prees Heath as a reinforcement the previous April.

"Jerry" had presented me with a cushy "Blighty" at Ypres in November 1917, and coming back to the same part of the line after five months in England did not make me feel very comfortable. In fact I was "windy," more so than at any time during my first spell of fifteen months in France.

Day after day we had had casualties: a few killed, some wounded, others gassed. When was I going to get mine ? I wondered how it would come. Would half my body be pitched up into the branches of a tree as had been the case with one poor gunner on the canal bank?

I hoped not, please God, not that! Nor like that boy who got it in the stomach at Reninghelst, who, when we let down his trousers, found his intestines bursting through the two holes the shell fragments had made. I prayed that I should not be mutilated.

If I had to go "West," let it be a quick death - a hole in the head perhaps; that wouldn't be so bad. But let my body be in one, and not scattered, when they came to bury me.

There was one man in this battery who gave me comfort. His name was Bob Lawrence. He was a bombardier and the No.1 of our gun. He and another gunner, Frank Thomas, were my particular chums. The others of our gun detachment who formed our clique were Jimmy Fooks, the oldest man in our section, whose time was nearly up: he was looking forward to going home soon for a month's leave; Harris, a fair-haired youth, who had just come back from leave and had left a young bride behind; and Kempton, who was due for leave and expecting to go any day.

Bombardier Bob Lawrence was a butcher in civil life. He was very easy-going and good-tempered, and never appeared to have the wind up. He was slow in his movements - a plodder. Nothing upset him: shells didn't worry him - at least he didn't show it if they did. He floundered about in the mud as if he enjoyed it, but the lice played hell with him.

He would spend an hour cleaning up his shirt, killing the vermin until his thumb nails were covered with their blood. As soon as he put his shirt on, he would start itching again and scratch himself raw. He was quite bald, without eyebrows, or eyelashes; his body was as hairless as a baby's.

He used to wear a wig of a dirty ginger colour which was beginning to show signs of wear, so that at the artificial parting you could see the soiled leather or rubber that formed its foundation.

At this time Bob had been in France three years, and I thought he was safe for "duration".

He had never been hit, and I thought he never would be. If I was one of a working party sent to prepare a forward position or build an observation post, I was nervy and "windy" if Bob was not of the party.

I would start off with my limbs trembling and my heart in my mouth, and, until we were well on our way back to billets, I would be nothing but a bundle of nerves. Indeed, it was only by exercising all my will power that I was able to hide my feelings and control my actions.

If Bob was with us, how different I felt! "It's all right; nothing to worry about," and off I would go contented and almost care-free.

We had made a fire in an old oil drum which was planted in the middle of the class-room of the school that was our temporary home at Hazebroucke. The room was full of smoke, and this made our eyes water and rendered the atmosphere so thick that one could cut it.

About thirty men were lying about, some reading, some writing letters, others having a "crumb up," as we called the process of picking lice from our shirts. Steel helmets, gas respirators and the remainder of our equipment were hanging from nails in the walls, and sand-bags filled with spare clothing and private property acted as pillows.

Harris had been giving us an account of his leave, telling us what it was like sleeping between sheets again and taking his meals off a clean tablecloth. He told us, too, how a flapper had presented him with a white feather one day when he was out in "civvies" with his wife.

Then we started talking of our chances of coming through the War. We had all seen over twelve months' fighting, and had overlived our allotted span of life as R.G.A. gunners. Bob, with his three years of active service, had become quite a fatalist.

"It's no use worrying, Ken," he said, turning to me. "If a shell has got your name written on it, it will get you; it will turn round corners to get you." Then he started singing in his fiat, cracked voice, "What's the use of worrying, it never was worth while," until someone suggested a game of nap.

Bob couldn't resist a game of nap. He would go "nap" with the most impossible of hands, and I am afraid he was "rooked" shamefully. He would lose all his pay the very day that he received it; but he never went short of anything as long as one or the other of us had it.

Parcels from home, cigarettes, tobacco, tooth-paste, shaving soap, and writing paper were property common to our little clique. If you wanted something that one of the others had, you just helped yourself in front of his eyes. If he wasn't about, you helped yourself just the same, and told him, if you thought of it, when he returned.

You would curse and swear at each other to the best of your ability, but never with any bad feeling. If your chum came back to billets too drunk to stand, you would just put him to bed, tuck his blankets around him, and put an empty biscuit or fruit tin near his head in case he should need it.

Then you would turn in beside him, and cuddle up to him for warmth, and share his lice with him. In the morning you would fetch his breakfast of bread and bacon and canteen of tea to him in bed, as he would probably awake with a thick head.

Bob always slept with a Balaclava helmet on his head. In fact his head was always covered, and I believe he was rather conscious of his wig. When I think of it, it amazes me that we didn't pull his leg about his wig, but we never did.

It wasn't that his stripe protected him, as we chaffed him as much as we did each other. We often told him to "go to hell" or to take a "running jump at himself." He would then threaten to run us in for "insubordination"; that was his favourite saying, but never once did he report any man.

Though he was an N.C.O., he always did his share, and often more than his share, of all the hard and disagreeable tasks that fell to our lot, such as humping 6-inch shells and boxes of cartridges weighing over 1 cwt.

If the caterpillars had to be fixed to the wheels of the gun on a dark, shell-swept road covered with thick slimy mud, Bob would do his whack, getting his hands all bashed and cut, and his fingers pinched between the blocks.

On duty at the battery, though there was no need to for him to do a turn on guard, he always would, so that each man's turn might be a little less. He wouldn't even choose his turn, but always took his chance out of the hat as we gunners did.

Perhaps we would have to do a harassing fire during the night at the rate of ten rounds per hour on roads behind the enemy's line. Then Bob would split his detachment into two, working the gun with four men and himself, while the other four got what sleep they could in the dug-out.

When the night was half through he would send his four men in and call the other four out, but he would stick to the gun throughout the night, with no rest at all.

On October 2nd about twenty of us were sent forward over Messines Ridge to prepare positions for two guns that were coming up during the night. A lorry took us as far as safety would allow; then we made our way on foot along a road up the Ridge.

The Germans had this road under observation, so we went along in parties of three and four, 50 yards or so separating each party. A day or so previously this road had been held by the enemy and now the bodies of Germans and horses lay about, the stench from which was fearful.

Some were headless, some limbless, while others looked just asleep.

A German gun team had been caught by one of our shells as it was getting away. Two of the horses lay dead in the traces, two gunners in grey lay in the road, while a third was doubled across the muzzle of the gun, all dead. One of the wheels was smashed, and under the gun was a hole in the road where the shell had burst.

In charge of our party was Sergeant Ellis, D.C.M., and we passed the spot on the left-hand side of the road where he had gained his medal by getting three of our guns away and blowing up the fourth as the Germans came over the Ridge when they attacked in the previous March. The remains of the blown-up gun were still there.

Running along the right-hand side of the road was a bank about 2 feet high, from which the ground sloped away to flat country below. Bob Lawrence, Frank Thomas, and myself were trudging along together in tin-hats, gas masks at the "alert," and loaded up with picks, shovels, petrol tins of drinking water, and rations.

Suddenly there was a "Phee-ew, crash! Phee-ew, crash! Phee-ew crash!" and three 4.2's burst about 20 yards to the left of us. We dashed to the side of the road and cowered beneath the 2-foot bank while Hell opened its gates and poured a storm of fire, gas, and flying jagged pieces of steel on the road: 77-mm. shells coming with a "whizz-bang!"

4.2's coming with a sighing moan and a crash, and big 5.9's with their "Phee-ew-ew!" rising to a crescendo and culminating in a roar like that of an express rushing through a station. On top of the bank were the bodies of two Jerries, and these gave us a little more protection, for we could hear the "Phut! Phut!" as flying pieces of red-hot steel found a billet in them.

We endured this torment for about ten minutes or a quarter of an hour, though it seemed ages. During this time Bob didn't turn a hair, though he didn't speak a word. Neither did I. All my energy was directed towards making myself as inconspicuous as possible!

The shelling stopped at last, and continued 200 yards further along the road.

The only remark Bob made was, "Bit hot while it lasted, Ken, blast 'em." Then we made off as fast as we could down a side road to the left into a bit of a hollow.

Here was a pillbox of concrete, together with a big signpost bearing the word "Last-Kraftwagen," and it was near here, on the side of a narrow road, underneath a few scarred trees that we had to prepare our gun positions.

We called this position "Last strafed wagon" because of the signpost. Away to our left front, about two or three kilos. away, rose the spire of a church which we were told was Wervicq and held by the enemy. We were ordered to lie low and do nothing till dusk, as we were visible to any observation that might be carried out from that spire.

About 100 yards or so to the rear of our gun position was a little shelter of rotting sand-bags filled with earth, and this we made our cook-house. Here we gathered and hid ourselves till dusk, when we made some tea, after which we started work on our gun-pits.

We levelled the ground and made a platform of railway sleepers. The other section did the same a little distance down the road.

Just after midnight we heard the rumble and clatter of lorries and guns coming down the road, and in a couple of hours we had both guns in position and camouflaged, and the shells, cartridges, and fuse boxes, etc., all stored around the guns.

The major, who had come up with the guns, told us we should be relieved at ten o'clock in the morning. Then he went away, leaving another officer in charge. As there was no shelter against shell fire, Sergeant Ellis ordered us to dig a fire-trench to the rear of our gun, big enough to accommodate ten or a dozen men.

This we proceeded to do and by daylight had dug a trench about 4 yards long by 1 yard wide and about 5 feet deep, our intention being to cover it over later and make it into a dug-out.

About eight o'clock in the morning we went across to the cook-house for breakfast, which consisted of tea, bully beef, and biscuits. There was a heavy ground mist, so we could move about without fear of being observed from Wervicq.

After breakfast we went back to our trench to await our relief. Sergeant Ellis went into the gun-pit under the tarpaulin to get a little sleep while the rest of us squatted in our trench talking. Ten o'clock came and the mist was rising, but no relief!

10.30 and no relief. Eleven o'clock and we were getting very impatient and angry, but still no sign of the relieving party. We were tired out. It had rained during the night, we were wet and cold and covered in mud; our eyes smarted and our feet felt like clay. We were grimy and lousy, and our cigarettes were all gone; we had descended to the depths of misery.

We were afraid to walk about in case we were spotted from the spire at Wervicq. Presently Frank Thomas said to me, "What about going across to the cook-house, Ken, to see if there is any tea?"

"Too much fag," I replied. A quarter of an hour later something came over me, and I turned to Thomas and said, "Come on, Frank, let us go now. Come on, Bob," but Bob wouldn't come, so we promised to bring him some tea back if there was any.

So Thomas and myself scrambled out of the trench and, keeping the scarred trees between us and the church spire, we made our way to the cook-house, only to find biscuits, but no tea. We munched a few biscuits and begged a cigarette from our temporary cook, and warmed ourselves by the dying embers of his fire.

We had been there about ten minutes when Thomas suggested that we should go back to the trench, but I was in no hurry. If the relief came up we wouldn't have so far to go from where we were. Just then we heard someone shouting "Is that --th Battery?" and, looking around, we saw it was one of our officers who had brought the relief along.

He sent Thomas and myself to tell Sergeant Ellis that the relief had arrived.

We were half-way back to the trench when suddenly there were four or five explosions, following quickly one on another. We flung ourselves flat on our faces and heard the "Whirr-phut! Phut! Phut!" as fragments of steel flew around.

I was scared stiff, and a cold sweat came over me. Bob wasn't there to give me the comfort of his presence. We lay there a few minutes waiting; then there was another salvo of shells and, peeping up, I saw a cloud of black smoke and a fountain of earth rise in the air over the trench where Bob and the others were.

We waited a little while, but, as nothing else came over, we made a dash towards the trench.

God! what a sight met our eyes! A shell had landed right among the boys. It was a slaughterhouse - just a mass of mangled flesh and blood. Bob's head was hanging off; you could only recognize it by his poor, worn-out, dirty little wig.

Jimmy Fooks was squatting on his haunches, not a mark on him, quite dead, killed by the concussion. You couldn't tell which was Harris and which was Kempton - what was left of them was in pieces. I was numbed. I felt as if a great weight was pressing on my head. I was choking.

In a dream I heard the sergeant's voice, "For God's sake get away. Get to hell out of it before they start again."

He had been asleep in the gun-pit and was untouched. Somehow I got back to the lorry which was waiting to take us back. Then I broke down and between my sobs I cursed the Germans. Though I had always felt I could not kill a man, at that moment I could have killed with my bare hands the Boche gunner who had fired that shell.

We knew the enemy was beaten; we knew it couldn't last much longer, and at this time, after three years in France and the end so near, Bob must be killed! Harris, who had left a young bride in England - killed! Jimmy Fooks, whose time was nearly up - killed! And Kempton, who was due for leave - killed also!

Why hadn't they come across to the cook-house with Thomas and me? Why hadn't the relief come up to time? If either of these things had happened Bob would still be alive.

And then I remembered his fatalism - "It's no use worrying, Ken. If a shell has got your name on it it win get you; it will turn round comers to get you," and it had done that to Bob and the others; it had found its way into that trench and got them.

They left them where they fell and covered them over. The trench which they dug to give them shelter in life proved to be their grave, and sheltered their bodies in death.

Gunner A. B. Kenway joined Glamorgan R.G.A. (Territorial) November 1915. Age twenty. 2/3rd Coy. Went to France, September 1916, with 172nd Siege Battery. First time in action at Vimy Ridge, then at Hebuterne from October to December 1916.

Battle of Arras (April 1917.) Third Battle of Ypres (July 1917). Battery position: on Canal bank. Later, position near the China Wall, not far from Hell Fire Corner, to the right of the Menin road. Was burned there, but stayed a few days with battery, but, as it was ordered to Italy, had to go into hospital.

Sent to Mile End Military Hospital, London November 1917. April 1918, back in France as reinforcement, posted to 155th Siege Battery, which was in action near Reninghelst, in the Ypres area; later at Barre, near Hazebroucke. From there to Pilckem Ridge; later to Gapaarde near Messines (scene of narrative).

Then to Dottignies, a hamlet near Tourcoing, until the Armistice. Demobilized January 26th, 1919. Resumed civil occupation February 2nd, 1919, as a ledger clerk.


First published in Everyman at War (1930), edited by C. B. Purdom.

http://www.firstworldwar.com/diaries/messinesoctober1918.htm
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The Spanish Lady and the Newfoundland Regiment

(...) It was on September 30, that the Evening Telegram reported 3 seamen from a steamer were admitted to, hospital with the flu.#18 The next day, the Daily News reported that two cases from the schooner Ariceen of Twillingate were taken to hospital.#19 On October 2, Mate Walter Hyson of the Ariceen had died 2 days after admission. #20 The Spanish Lady was in St.John's. (...)

18 Evening Telegram September 30, 1918.
19 Daily News October 1, 1918.
20 Daily News October 2, 1918.


http://www.vlib.us/medical/parsons.htm
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Woodrow Wilson - The treaty fight in the united states, 1919–1920

Wilson presented the Versailles treaty to the Senate on 10 July 1919, in the supreme confidence that that body would not dare to refuse to give its consent to ratification. There were many signs of danger ahead. One was the persistence of the tradition of isolationism, which before 1914 had been the cornerstone of American foreign policy. Ratification of the Treaty of Versailles would carry heavy new international responsibilities for the United States: Article 10 of the covenant guaranteed the political independence and territorial integrity of all member nations, and support of the covenant's peacekeeping machinery might well entail the risk of war. Moreover, Republicans controlled the Senate, and Wilson's implacable personal and political foe, Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts, was chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee.

Lodge would have preferred to reject the treaty outright, but in order to preserve unity within his party, he accepted a plan offered by more moderate Republicans—to approve the treaty subject to certain reservations. The most important of these was a reservation to Article 10 that stipulated that the United States assumed no obligation under this article unless Congress, by joint resolution or otherwise, should specifically assume such obligation.

Saying that the enemies of the League were poisoning the wells of public opinion, Wilson set out upon a tour of the West in order to purify them. In one of the great forensic efforts in American history, he traveled eight thousand miles and delivered thirty-two major addresses between 3 and 25 September 1919. During the early hours of 26 September, Wilson suffered a stroke warning, which ended his tour. Then, on 2 October, after his return to Washington, Wilson suffered a devastating stroke that paralyzed his left side and for a time threatened his life.

This stroke was only the worst manifestation of cerebrovascular disease that had victimized Wilson at least since 1896, when he suffered loss of dexterity in his right hand for about eight months. Then came small strokes and a serious vascular accident in his left eye in 1906. Dr. S. Weir Mitchell, the distinguished neurologist of Philadelphia, examined Wilson soon after the election of 1912 and reported to the White House physician, Dr. Cary T. Grayson, that he thought Wilson would not live out his first term. Grayson kept Wilson on a regime of simple diet, exercise, and avoidance of stress, but the tasks of overseeing the American war effort blew Grayson's regimen to pieces. Wilson, now suffering from uncontrolled hypertension, went to Paris unwell. There he suffered a viral infection and another small stroke in April 1919. This was followed by a more severe small stroke on 19 July. By the time Wilson went out West, his hypertension was fulminant. The specialist who examined Wilson after his large stroke of October reported that he had long suffered from hyper-tension, atherosclerosis, and carotid artery disease and was in the lacunar state as a result of small strokes. Wilson was almost completely disabled, both physically and psychologically, from October through December 1919.

A healthy Wilson would almost certainly have found a high ground of compromise with pro-League Republicans and put the treaty across, probably by October 1919. But the sick Wilson, isolated in the White House, was incapable of comprehending political realities, or even of thinking abstractly or strategically. When the treaty came up for a vote in the Senate on 19 November, Wilson commanded Democrats in the Senate to vote against ratification with reservations. The reservation to Article 10, Wilson said, amounted to nullification, not ratification, of the treaty. The Republicans defeated ratification without the reservations; the Democrats then defeated ratification with the reservations.

Democrats tried to find some compromise, but Lodge would not budge on the all-important reservation to Article 10. For his part, Wilson not only refused to yield an inch of ground, but in a public letter (drafted, actually, by his chief of staff, Joseph P. Tumulty), on 8 January 1920 he also made the League issue a partisan question by saying that the coming presidential election should be a "great and solemn referendum" on the question of ratification of the Versailles treaty. Actually, all hopes for Senate approval were by now dead unless enough Democrats were prepared to defy Wilson and join the Republicans to form a two-thirds majority in favor of ratification with reservations. And if that had happened, Wilson would have killed the treaty himself by refusing to go through the process of ratification. But Wilson did not have to do this. In one of the most important presidential letters in history (drafted for the most part by Tumulty), written to his spokesman in the Senate on 8 March 1920, Wilson commanded Democratic senators to vote against ratification with any reservations whatsoever. A second vote in the Senate, on 19 March 1920, failed to find two-thirds of the senators in favor of the treaty in any form. Wilson was only momentarily downcast, if at all. He planned to secure his renomination and to run again for the presidency on a pro-League platform.

http://www.presidentprofiles.com/Grant-Eisenhower/Woodrow-Wilson-The-treaty-fight-in-the-united-states-1919-1920.html
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The League of Nations Protocol for the Pacific Settlement of International Disputes

2 October, 1920

Animated by the firm desire to ensure the maintenance of general peace and the security of nations whose existence, independence or territories may be threatened;

Recognising the solidarity of the members of the international community;

Asserting that a war of aggression constitutes a violation of this solidarity and an international crime;

Desirous of facilitating the complete application of the system provided in the Covenant of the League of Nations for the pacific settlement of disputes between States and of ensuring the repression of international crimes; and

For the purpose of realising, as contemplated by Article 8 of the Covenant, the reduction of national armaments to the lowest point consistent with national safety and the enforcement by common action of international obligations;

The Undersigned, duly authorised to that effect, agree as follows:

ARTICLE 1.

The signatory States undertake to make every effort in their power to secure the introduction into the Covenant of amendments on the lines of the provisions contained in the following articles.

They agree that, as between themselves, these provisions shall be binding as from the coming into force of the present Protocol and that, so far as they are concerned, the Assembly and the Council of the League of Nations shall thenceforth have power to exercise all the rights and perform all the duties conferred upon them by the Protocol.

ARTICLE 2.

The signatory States agree in no case to resort to war either with one another or against a State which, if the occasion arises, accepts all the obligations hereinafter set out, except in case of resistance to acts of aggression or when acting in agreement with the Council or the Assembly of the League of Nations in accordance with the provisions of the Covenant and of the present Protocol.

ARTICLE 3.

The signatory States undertake to recognise as compulsory, ipso facto and without special agreement, the jurisdiction of the Permanent Court of International Justice in the cases covered by paragraph 2 of Article 36 of the Statute of the Court, but without prejudice to the right of any State, when acceding to the special protocol provided for in the said Article and opened for signature on December 16th, 1920, to make reservations compatible with the said clause.

Accession to this special protocol, opened for signature on December 16th, 1920, must be given within the month following the coming into force of the present Protocol.

States which accede to the present Protocol, after its coming into force, must carry out the above obligation within the month following their accession.

ARTICLE 4.

With a view to render more complete the provisions of paragraphs 4, 5, 6, and 7 of Article 15 of the Covenant, the signatory States agree to comply with the following procedure:

1. If the dispute submitted to the Council is not settled by it as provided in paragraph 3 of the said Article 15, the Council shall endeavour to persuade the parties to submit the dispute to judicial settlement or arbitration.

2. (a) If the parties cannot agree to do so, there shall, at the request of at least one of the parties, be constituted a Committee of Arbitrators. The Committee shall so far as possible be constituted by agreement between the parties.

(b) If within the period fixed by the Council the parties have failed to agree, in whole or in part, upon the number, the names and the powers of the arbitrators and upon the procedure, the Council shall settle the points remaining in suspense. It shall with the utmost possible despatch select in consultation with the parties the arbitrators and their President from among persons who by their nationality, their personal character and their experience, appear to it to furnish the highest guarantees of competence and impartiality.

(c) After the claims of the parties have been formulated, the Committee of Arbitrators, on the request of any party, shall through the medium of the Council request an advisory opinion upon any points of law in dispute from the Permanent Court of International Justice, which in such case shall meet with the utmost possible despatch.

3. If none of the parties asks for arbitration, the Council shall again take the dispute under consideration. If the Council reaches a report which is unanimously agreed to by the members thereof other than the representatives of any of the parties to the dispute, the signatory States agree to comply with the recommendations therein.

4. If the Council fails to reach a report which is concurred in by all its members, other than the representatives of any of the parties to the dispute, it shall submit the dispute to arbitration. It shall itself determine the composition, the powers and the procedure of the Committee of Arbitrators and, in the choice of the arbitrators, shall bear in mind the guarantees of competence and impartiality referred to in paragraph 2 (b) above.

5. In no case may a solution, upon which there has already been a unanimous recommendation of the Council accepted by one of the parties concerned, be again called in question.

6. The signatory States undertake that they will carry out in full good faith any judicial sentence or arbitral award that may be rendered and that they will comply, as provided in paragraph 3 above, with the solutions recommended by the Council. In the event of a State failing to carry out the above undertakings, the Council shall exert all its influence to secure compliance therewith. If it fails therein, it shall propose what steps should be taken to give effect thereto, in accordance with the provision contained at the end of Article 13 of the Covenant. Should a State in disregard of the above undertakings resort to war, the sanctions provided for by Article 16 of the Covenant, interpreted in the manner indicated in the present Protocol, shall immediately become applicable to it.

7. The provisions of the present article do not apply to the settlement of disputes which arise as the result of measures of war taken by one or more signatory States in agreement with the Council or the Assembly.

ARTICLE 5.

The provisions of paragraph 8 of Article 15 of the Covenant shall continue to apply in proceedings before the Council.

If in the course of an arbitration, such as is contemplated in Article 4 above, one of the parties claims that the dispute, or part thereof, arises out of a matter which by international law is solely within the domestic jurisdiction of that party, the arbitrators shall on this point take the advice of the Permanent Court of International Justice through the medium of the Council. The opinion of the Court shall be binding upon the arbitrators, who, if the opinion is affirmative, shall confine themselves to so declaring in their award.

If the question is held by the Court or by the Council to be a matter solely within the domestic jurisdiction of the State, this decision shall not prevent consideration of the situation by the Council or by the Assembly under Article 11 of the Covenant.

ARTICLE 6.

If in accordance with paragraph 9 of Article 15 of the Covenant a dispute is referred to the Assembly, that body shall have for the settlement of the dispute all the powers conferred upon the Council as to endeavouring to reconcile the parties in the manner laid down in paragraphs 1, 2 and 3 of Article 15 of the Covenant and in paragraph 1 of Article 4 above. Should the Assembly fail to achieve an amicable settlement:

If one of the parties asks for arbitration, the Council shall proceed to constitute the Committee of Arbitrators in the manner provided in sub-paragraphs (a), (b) and (c) of paragraph 2 of Article 4 above.

If no party asks for arbitration, the Assembly shall again take the dispute under consideration and shall have in this connection the same powers as the Council. Recommendations embodied in a report of the Assembly, provided that it secures the measure of support stipulated at the end of paragraph 10 of Article 15 of the Covenant, shall have the same value and effect, as regards all matters dealt with in the present Protocol, as recommendations embodied in a report of the Council adopted as provided in paragraph 3 of Article 4 above.

If the necessary majority cannot be obtained, the dispute shall be submitted to arbitration and the Council shall determine the composition, the powers and the procedure of the Committee of Arbitrators as laid down in paragraph 4 of Article 4.

ARTICLE 7.

In the event of a dispute arising between two or more signatory States, these States agree that they will not, either before the dispute is submitted to proceedings for pacific settlement or during such proceedings, make any increase of their armaments or effectives which might modify the position established by the Conference for the Reduction of Armaments provided for by Article 17 of the present Protocol, nor will they take any measure of military, naval, air, industrial or economic mobilisation, nor, in general, any action of a nature likely to extend the dispute or render it more acute.

It shall be the duty of the Council, in accordance with the provisions of Article 11 of the Covenant, to take under consideration any complaint as to infraction of the above undertakings which is made to it by one or more of the States parties to the dispute. Should the Council be of opinion that the complaint requires investigation, it shall, if it deems it expedient, arrange for enquiries and investigations in one or more of the countries concerned. Such enquiries and investigations shall be carried out with the utmost possible despatch, and the signatory States undertake to afford every facility for carrying them out.

The sole object of measures taken by the Council as above provided is to facilitate the pacific settlement of disputes and they shall in no way prejudge the actual settlement.

If the result of such enquiries and investigations is to establish an infraction of the provisions of the first paragraph of the present Article, it shall be the duty of the Council to summon the State or States guilty of the infraction to put an end thereto. Should the State or States in question fail to comply with such summons, the Council shall declare them to be guilty of a violation of the Covenant or of the present Protocol, and shall decide upon the measures to be taken with a view to end as soon as possible a situation of a nature to threaten the peace of the world.

For the purposes of the present Article decisions of the Council may be taken by a two-thirds majority.

ARTICLE 8.

The signatory States undertake to abstain from any act which might constitute a threat of aggression against another State. If one of the signatory States is of opinion that another State is making preparations for war, it shall have the right to bring the matter to the notice of the Council.

The Council, if it ascertains that the facts are as alleged, shall proceed as provided in paragraphs 2, 4, and 5 of Article 7.

ARTICLE 9.

The existence of demilitarised zones being calculated to prevent aggression and to facilitate a definite finding of the nature provided for in Article 10 below, the establishment of such zones between States mutually consenting thereto is recommended as a means of avoiding violations of the present Protocol.

The demilitarised zones already existing under the terms of certain treaties or conventions, or which may be established in future between States mutually consenting thereto, may at the request and at the expense of one or more of the conterminous States, be placed under a temporary or permanent system of supervision to be organised by the Council.

ARTICLE 10.

Every State which resorts to war in violation of the undertakings contained in the Covenant or in the present Protocol is an aggressor. Violation of the rules laid down for a demilitarised zone shall be held equivalent to resort to war.

In the event of hostilities having broken out, any State shall be presumed to be an aggressor, unless a decision of the Council, which must be taken unanimously, shall otherwise declare:

1. If it has refused to submit the dispute to the procedure of pacific settlement provided by Articles 13 and 15 of the Covenant as amplified by the present Protocol, or to comply with a judicial sentence or arbitral award or with a unanimous recommendation of the Council, or has disregarded a unanimous report of the Council, a judicial sentence or an arbitral award recognising that the dispute between it and the other belligerent State arises out of a matter which by international law is solely within the domestic jurisdiction of the latter State; nevertheless, in the last case the State shall only be presumed to be an aggressor if it has not previously submitted the question to the Council or the Assembly, in accordance with Article 11 of the Covenant.

2. If it has violated provisional measures enjoined by the Council for the period while the proceedings are in progress as contemplated by Article 7 of the present Protocol.

Apart from the cases dealt with in paragraphs 1 and 2 of the present Article, if the Council does not at once succeed in determining the aggressor, it shall be bound to enjoin upon the belligerents an armistice, and shall fix the terms, acting, if need be, by a two-thirds majority and shall supervise its execution.

Any belligerent which has refused to accept the armistice or has violated its terms shall be deemed an aggressor.

The Council shall call upon the signatory States to apply forthwith against the aggressor the sanctions provided by Article 11 of the present Protocol, and any signatory State thus called upon shall thereupon be entitled to exercise the rights of a belligerent.

ARTICLE 11.

As soon as the Council has called upon the signatory States to apply sanctions, as provided in the last paragraph of Article 10 of the present Protocol, the obligations of the said States, in regard to the sanctions of all kinds mentioned in paragraphs 1 and 2 of Article 16 of the Covenant, will immediately become operative in order that such sanctions may forthwith be employed against the aggressor.

Those obligations shall be interpreted as obliging each of the signatory States to co-operate loyally and effectively in support of the Covenant of the League of Nations, and in resistance to any act of aggression, in the degree which its geographical position and its particular situation as regards armaments allow.

In accordance with paragraph 3 of Article 16 of the Covenant the signatory States give a joint and several undertaking to come to the assistance of the State attacked or threatened, and to give each other mutual support by means of facilities and reciprocal exchanges as regards the provision of raw materials and supplies of every kind, openings of credits, transport and transit, and for this purpose to take all measures in their power to preserve the safety of communications by land and by sea of the attacked or threatened State.

If both parties to the dispute are aggressors within the meaning of Article 10, the economic and financial sanctions shall be applied to both of them.

ARTICLE 12.

In view of the complexity of the conditions in which the Council may be called upon to exercise the functions mentioned in Article 11 of the present Protocol concerning economic and financial sanctions, and in order to determine more exactly the guarantees afforded by the present Protocol to the signatory States, the Council shall forthwith invite the economic and financial organisations of the League of Nations to consider and report as to the nature of the steps to be taken to give effect to the financial and economic sanctions and measures of co-operation contemplated in Article 16 of the Covenant and in Article 11 of this Protocol. When in possession of this information, the Council shall draw up through its competent organs:

1. Plans of action for the application of the economic and financial sanctions against an aggressor State;

2. Plans of economic and financial co-operation between a State attacked and the different States assisting it; and shall communicate these plans to the Members of the League and to the other signatory States.

ARTICLE 13.

In view of the contingent military, naval and air sanctions provided for by Article 16 of the Covenant and by Article 11 of the present Protocol, the Council shall be entitled to receive undertakings from States determining in advance the military, naval and air forces which they would be able to bring into action immediately to ensure the fulfilment of the obligations in regard to sanctions which result from the Covenant and the present Protocol.

Furthermore, as soon as the Council has called upon the signatory States to apply sanctions, as provided in the last paragraph of Article 10 above, the said States may, in accordance with any agreements which they may previously have concluded, bring to the assistance of a particular State, which is the victim of aggression, their military, naval and air forces.

The agreements mentioned in the preceding paragraph shall be registered and published by the Secretariat of the League of Nations. They shall remain open to all States Members of the League which may desire to accede thereto.

ARTICLE 14.

The Council shall alone be competent to declare that the application of sanctions shall cease and normal conditions be re-established.

ARTICLE 15.

In conformity with the spirit of the present Protocol, the signatory States agree that the whole cost of any military, naval or air operations undertaken for the repression of an aggression under the terms of the Protocol, and reparation for all losses suffered by individuals, whether civilians or combatants, and for all material damage caused by the operations of both sides, shall be borne by the aggressor State up to the extreme limit of its capacity.

Nevertheless, in view of Article 10 of the Covenant, neither the territorial integrity nor the political independence of the aggressor State shall in any case be affected as the result of the application of the sanctions mentioned in the present Protocol.

ARTICLE 16.

The signatory States agree that in the event of a dispute between one or more of them and one or more States which have not signed the present Protocol and are not Members of the League of Nations, such non-Member States shall be invited, on the conditions contemplated in Article 17 of the Covenant, to submit, for the purpose of a pacific settlement, to the obligations accepted by the States signatories of the present Protocol.

If the State so invited, having refused to accept the said conditions and obligations, resorts to war against a signatory State, the provisions of Article 16 of the Covenant, as defined by the present Protocol, shall be applicable against it.

ARTICLE 17.

The signatory States undertake to participate in an International Conference for the Reduction of Armaments which shall be convened by the Council and shall meet at Geneva on Monday, June 15th, 1925. All other States, whether Members of the League or not, shall be invited to this Conference.

In preparation for the convening of the Conference, the Council shall draw up with due regard to the undertakings contained in Articles 11 and 13 of the present Protocol a general programme for the reduction and limitation of armaments, which shall be laid before the Conference and which shall be communicated to the Governments at the earliest possible date, and at the latest three months before the Conference meets.

If by May 1st, 1925, ratifications have not been deposited by at least a majority of the permanent Members of the Council and ten other Members of the League, the Secretary-General of the League shall immediately consult the Council as to whether he shall cancel the invitations or merely adjourn the Conference to a subsequent date to be fixed by the Council so as to permit the necessary number of ratifications to be obtained.

ARTICLE 18.

Wherever mention is made in Article 10, or in any other provision of the present Protocol, of a decision of the Council, this shall be understood in the sense of Article 15 of the Covenant, namely that the votes of the representatives of the parties to the dispute shall not be counted when reckoning unanimity or the necessary majority.

ARTICLE 19.

Except as expressly provided by its terms, the present Protocol shall not affect in any way the rights and obligations of Members of the League as determined by the Covenant.

ARTICLE 20.

Any dispute as to the interpretation of the present Protocol shall be submitted to the Permanent Court of International Justice.

ARTICLE 21.

The present Protocol, of which the French and English texts are both authentic, shall be ratified. The deposit of ratifications shall be made at the Secretariat of the League of Nations as soon as possible.

States of which the seat of government is outside Europe will be entitled merely to inform the Secretariat of the League of Nations that their ratification has been given; in that case, they must transmit the instrument of ratification as soon as possible.

So soon as the majority of the permanent Members of the Council and ten other Members of the League have deposited or have effected their ratifications, a proces-verbal to that effect shall be drawn up by the Secretariat.

After the said proces-verbal has been drawn up, the Protocol shall come into force as soon as the plan for the reduction of armaments has been adopted by the Conference provided for in Article 17.

If within such period after the adoption of the plan for the reduction of armaments as shall be fixed by the said Conference, the plan has not been carried out, the Council shall make a declaration to that effect; this declaration shall render the present Protocol null and void.

The grounds on which the Council may declare that the plan drawn up by the International Conference for the Reduction of Armaments has not been carried out, and that in consequence the present Protocol has been rendered null and void, shall be laid down by the Conference itself.

A signatory State which, after the expiration of the period fixed by the Conference, fails to comply with the plan adopted by the Conference, shall not be admitted to benefit by the provisions of the present Protocol.

In faith whereof the Undersigned, duly authorised for this purpose, have signed the present Protocol.

DONE at Geneva, on the second day of October, nineteen hundred and twenty.

http://wwi.lib.byu.edu/index.php/The_League_of_Nations_Protocol_for_the_Pacific_Settlement_of_International_Disputes
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On This Day - 2 October 1915

Western Front

British fleet and Belgian artillery bombard Westeinde.


http://www.firstworldwar.com/onthisday/1915_10_02.htm
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On This Day - 2 October 1916

Western Front

Germans regain footing in Eaucourt.

Eastern Front

Romanians rally south of Roter Turm Pass (southern Transylvania). On southern front cross Danube at Rjahovo (near Ruschuk) threatening Mackensen's rear. In Dobruja they attack and repulse Mackensen.

Zlota Lipa furious fighting continues.

Russians take 1,000 prisoners, but front remains unchanged.

Brody-Zloczow road enemy claim recapture all positions lost on 30th.

Southern Front

In Kaymakchlan region Bulgars retire north in direction Monastir.

Bulgars evacuate Mt. Starkov Grob.

Bulgar counter-attack on Struma front repulsed by British


http://www.firstworldwar.com/onthisday/1916_10_02.htm
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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Okt 2012 19:23    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

On This Day - 2 October 1917

Western Front

Germans attack in Beaumont (Reims), and between Samogneux and Hill 344 (Verdun) gain footing. French counter-attacks all day fail to drive out Germans.

French and British airmen bomb towns in Metz region, Cambrai and Courtrai and St. Denis Westrem aerodrome.

Southern Front

Austrian attack on slopes of San Gabriele (Isonzo) fail. Italians gain ground in counter-attack.

Naval and Overseas Operations

H.M.S. "Drake" torpedoed off the Irish Coast: 19 killed.

Reichstag informed of mutiny at Wilhelmshaven.


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BerichtGeplaatst: 01 Okt 2012 19:24    Onderwerp: On This Day - 2 October 1918 Reageer met quote

On This Day - 2 October 1918

Western Front

Germans withdraw on wide front north and south of La Bassee Canal; British recapture Armentieres.

French eject enemy from St. Quentin.

Advance north of the Vesle to near Cormicy.

Lille being evacuated.

French capture Challerange (Argonne).

Eastern Front

M. Litvinov arrives at Bergen (Norway).

M. Kucharzewski appointed Polish Prime Minister.

Naval and Overseas Operations

British and Italian warships bombard Durazzo, destroy Austrian base and ships and two submarines.

German submarine shells and sinks Spanish S.S. "Francoli" off Cartagena.


http://www.firstworldwar.com/onthisday/1918_10_02.htm
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A View from a Bridge – Riqueval, 2 October 1918.

The photograph is as familiar as it is impressive. Taken on the wet morning of Wednesday 2 October 1918[1], it shows serried ranks of mud-stained infantry, misaligned precariously upon the steep (and no doubt slippy) embankment of the St Quentin Canal as they are addressed by their Commander, Brigadier-General John Vaughan Campbell VC. The victors are recorded at the precise location of their spectacular triumph, three days previously, when on the early morning of Sunday 29 September, leading the 46th(North Midland) Division’s attack, they captured, intact, the Riqueval Bridge, crossed the St Quentin Canal and pierced the supposedly impregnable German defensive system known as the Hindenburg Line [2]. The faces of hundreds of temporary warriors, citizen soldiers, gaze at the camera; some figures are still bearing specialist equipment associated with deep, wet-ditch assault crossings – life-belts, draw lines, Lewis guns; inevitably, soldiers being soldiers (however temporary), enemy ‘souvenirs’ are displayed enthusiastically.

McClellan[3]in his role as on Official British photographer took at least nine separate studies at the bridge or in nearby Bellenglise that morning[4]. These included shots of the canal area (showing surviving footbridges) and the infantrymen assembling (or dispersing) for the photo shoot. Other photographs show 137th Brigade Staff and Band in Bellenglise and British forces symbolically passing across the bridge, and advancing eastwards in the direction of a now retreating enemy.

NOTES
[1]Weather conditions confirmed by War Diary of 6/North Staffordshire Regiment, WO95/2685/2
[2]For a A G Shennan’s very personal account of this action see IWM ref Documents.10376: https://www.iwm.org.uk/collections/item/object/1030010218
[3]McClellan, formerly a photographer for the Daily Mirror, took up his duties as an official photographer on the Western Front in December 1917. See Carmichael, pp. 65-66


Lees verder en bekijk de fantastische foto's... http://ww1centenary.oucs.ox.ac.uk/unconventionalsoldiers/a-view-from-a-bridge/
Ook hier: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_St_Quentin_Canal#/media/File:Riqueval_Bridge_1918.jpg
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2 October 1918 - The Statesman (India)

THE TURKISH DEFEAT - It is pointed out on reliable information that the reaction of the Turkish defeat in Palestine will be immediately felt throughout the Middle East. Apart from the danger to Syria, the Turkish communications in Mesopotamia are now none too secure. Coming on top of the Allies’ Balkan success, which must create the liveliest fears for the security of the Turkish position in Europe, the Palestine victory may be expected to paralyse Turkish operations in Persia. It has thus gone very far already to reduce the Turco-German menace in the Middle East, while its moral effect on the political situation in Turkey will probably be very great.

https://www.thestatesman.com/100-years-ago/100-years-ago-2-october-1918-1502691754.html
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9th Hodson's Horse in General Chauvel's march through Damascus, 2 October 1918.

Photograph, Mullick Photo House, World War One, Middle East (1914-1918), 1918.

General Sir Edward Allenby, who was appointed Commander of British forces in Egypt in June 1917, was determined to conquer Palestine, defeat the Turks and if possible, drive them out of the war altogether. He reached Jerusalem by 9 December, but was prevented by an unusually wet winter and demands for troops for the Western Front from continuing his offensive until late summer 1918.

The cavalry, part of Australian General Sir Henry Chauvel's Desert Mounted Corps, played a prominent role in the final major battle of Megiddo (19-21 September 1918), and Allenby swept on into Syria, occupying Damascus, Beirut and, on 25 October, Aleppo. A composite squadron from each regiment took part in a formal and official march through Damascus on 2 October. It was intended as a show of force rather than a triumphal entry.

From an album of 31 photographs associated with 4th Hodson's Horse and 9th Hodson's Horse, World War One and India, 1920-1938.

Foto... https://collection.nam.ac.uk/detail.php?acc=1953-07-25-31
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BerichtGeplaatst: 02 Okt 2018 7:39    Onderwerp: Reageer met quote

Durazzo bombardment

On 2 October 1918, eleven submarine chasers took part in the Durazzo engagement, the one major offensive of the US Navy in WWI, in which the enemy submarine base at Durazzo, Albania (Durres) was destroyed. The story of the Durazzo engagement has been covered by a number of sources, including several of the contemporaneously published books on the subchasers such as United States Submarine Chasers, by Hilary Chambers.

Photos: G. S. Dole Collection; photos from David Imisson, whose grandfather was a Royal Navy submariner in WWI; and photos from Joe Brier, son of SC 179 crewman Charles I. Brier.

Yep... foto's... https://www.subchaser.org/set-durazzo
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2 October 1917 - WW1 Blog - Jersey Heritage: Sugar rationing now on the cards

Islanders are starting to receive their ‘Sugar Card’ in the post this week, allowing them to participate in the new sugar rationing scheme. It follows a decision last month for Jersey to follow the UK’s lead and restrict the sale of sugar in order to assure wartime stocks.

Instructions placed in newspaper notices have been advising people what to do. Upon receiving their ‘Sugar Card’ it must be immediately taken to a retailer already registered as participating in the States’ sugar distribution scheme. The retailer retains the top half of the card, and the customer keeps the lower portion. Customers must produce this lower portion each time they want to buy sugar, with the retailer recording when the weekly permitted ration is purchased. On the recommendation of the UK Ministry of Food, this ration is set at 8oz per person in the household.

While the cards must be registered with only one retailer, islanders are not bound to remain with that sugar supplier. They can always re-register on request.

The information provided also explains that anyone who has not yet received their ‘Sugar Card’ should visit a post office where application forms are available.

https://www.jerseyheritage.org/ww1-blog/2-october-1917
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Letter from Henry Clay Frick to Charles S. Carstairs, 2 October 1916

Prides Crossing, Mass.,
October 2, 1916
My dear Carstairs;
Welcome to your native land! Although so much of an Englishman, I am sure you must enjoy getting back to so prosperous a country.

Cannot you come up to see us, arriving here - say Friday morning; we will have you met at Back Bay in the morning if you will advise. I know you are anxious to get to the National Golf Course, but as the season is drawing to a close, we would like to have you up here for a few days. I will take you back in my car on the following Monday evening. It looks to me as if you should have a very prosperous business now for several months.

Sincerely yours,
[Henry Clay Frick]

Mr. C.S. Carstairs,
556 Fifth Avenue, New York.

http://transcribe.frick.org/scripto/transcribe/168/214#transcription via http://transcribe.frick.org/items/show/168
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Letter from Sherriff to his father, 2 Oct 1916 (3 pages)

Address: ”C” Company, 9th East Surrey Reg[imen]t, 24th Division, B[ritish] E[xpeditionary] F[orce], [France]. Sherriff has arrived at communication trenches near the Front. He and three others share an iron shed with no furniture, but claims it is ”…quite good enough for me”. He expects he will stay in reserve for eight days and then spend eight days on the front line.

Transcript
“C Company”.
9th East Surrey Batt
24th Division
B.E.F
2.10.16

Dear Pips,

This morning we started off on our travels again at 8 o’clock after staying a day in a small French Village where one shop sold chocolate about a year old.

We marched off in full pack but leaving our haversacks and Valises behind for the transport to bring up and after about an hours journey we came up to the beginning of the Communications trenches.

I was attached to the Machine Gun Section and assisted to carry the drums of cartridges up endless trenches for about an hour until at last we arrived at our objective in a drizzling rain.

We are about 1000 yards from the firing line here and are in quite comfortable billets considering the proximity of the enemy – 4 of us are in a sort of corrugated iron shed with no furniture but a floor to sleep on – which is quite good enough for me – I have bought a fleece lining and I have a blanket in a waterproof bundle somewhere on the transport which has not come up yet.

Two are going to sleep on a shelf one underneath and I am going to sleep in a corner.

[page 2] The rain is rather trying as it causes mud to be carried everywhere – but I have got my books to read when off duty and they keep me happy.

The guns are going all the time here, but the line is quiet at present (I hope this is not a military secret I have given away).

The officers have mess in a Dugout next to our own hut and I think they have quite good food.

Unfortunately I did not have time to lay in a stock of chocolate etc so must make shift with what I can pick up – I believe we are in reserve for 8 days then 8 days in the line and then 8 days outs – and so on so if you don’t get a letter for a long period you will know I am somewhere where I cannot write.

Please excuse bad writing, as I am doing so under difficulties.

I cannot get anything here so if you could send me some chocolate or any kind of sweets I shall be very glad – I have not got any letters from you or Mother yet – but as I have been travelling incessantly they probably have not had time to reach me. If you address me “Second Lieut RC Sherriff 9th East Surrey 24th Division” I think they ought to arrive safely.

[page 3] It is a pity I can’t tell you where I am as it would be interesting for you to look up where I am on the map – but I will tell you when I come back “after the war”

I don’t think there is much to do hear as the men are only in reserve – but we are not supposed to ever take our boots off or clothes as we may be liable to an alarm at any time in the night.

I want to write to Mother now so I will stop your letter and hope that you will get it some day or other – as the transport is rather uncertain.

From your loving Son,

Bob

https://www.exploringsurreyspast.org.uk/rcs-schools/source-images-letters/2-oct-16-letter-sherriff-father/
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The War Diaries of Roger Stamp: October 1916

Monday 2 October 1916 – It is now raining hard, has done since dinner. An attack took place yesterday, a few prisoners brought to the camp nearby. I saw about 25 last night but about 500 were to come down later so we heard.

http://heritage.stockton.gov.uk/people/october-1916-2/
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Postcard of London sent from London, 2 Oct 1916

Voorkant: http://purl.slwa.wa.gov.au/slwa_b4240488_13
Achterkant: http://purl.slwa.wa.gov.au/slwa_b4240488_14
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'Direct from victory', 2 October 1916.

Photograph, World War One, Western Front (1914-1918), 1916.

British troops who took part in the capture of Lesboeufs on the Somme parade after being relieved by a fresh unit. Lesboeufs, located north-east of Albert, was attacked by the Guards Division on 15 September 1916 and finally secured 10 days later.

One of 193 British and Allied official photographs.

Foto... https://collection.nam.ac.uk/detail.php?acc=2007-03-7-7
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The First World War Letters Of H.J.C. Peirs

8th Queens
B.E.F.
30.9.1915 (doorgestreept)
2.10.1915

My dear Family,

We have again been moved, this time northwards, and though I cannot name the place I may say that we are still in France, but the people carry on as though they were in Belgium, and in fact we had to cross into Belgium and out again to get here.

We left our last billets early this morning and came some of the way by train and the past 9 miles by roads which are the beastliest I have ever been on. Where they are not inches deep in mud they are rough pave however they are all right again here. We are in a little market village, but there are one or two shops to get things and I have not had a chance to get into a shop practically since I left. The inhabitants are look and speak Flemish and are rather boorish compared with the others we have met. I have got quite a good room in the main street with a window on the roof about 4 inches by 3 but to make up for it the landlady informs one that the bed is very good.

One thing is that it is a land of good drink as the white wine is A1 and the beer very pleasant and we only have to go 2 miles to buy cigars without paying duty i.e. into Belgium.

We had no end of a time getting off this morning as one party had to leave at 3 and the rest at 5:30 and it was very cold with a white frost.

I lost my Burbury on Sunday last but have gained a great coat instead so I am all right.

If the P.O. will take it would you mind sending me my British Warm coat and a pair of khaki wollen mittens and my khaki scarf.

If the P.O. will not take the coat I think it would be better not to send it and I will get another cheap one here.

The Brigadier has billeted himself just opposite so I shall expect a warm time when he is his own bright little self again. At present he is seedy and is not here, so I am respited.

Yours

Jack

P.S. I am v. glad to hear father is learning in the pram and hope it is running all night and that he had fathomed its intricacies. I think the reason for the shift steering is that the tyres on the front wheels are slightly different sizes.

Commentary - Five days after losing so many men in action, Jack Peirs wrote this letter home to his family. It reads very similar to letters that he composed before he went into battle at Loos on the 26th. He is complaining about the roads, giving hints as to his location, and discussing creature comforts. Good food, good drink, and duty-free cigars are the order of the day.

One thing is that it is a land of good drink as the white wine is A1 and the beer very pleasant and we only have to go 2 miles to buy cigars without paying duty i.e. into Belgium.

For those who enjoy modern fashion, note that Peirs lost his raincoat, one that he names by brand. Burberry was one of many clothing manufacturers who made coats during the First World War specifically designed for hard-living. Their ‘waterproof’ gaberdine was just the things for trench service. Often referred to by brand name, the Burberry trench coat became a iconic cultural symbol as a result of the company’s mobilization for war and adaptability of their product for military service.

Other than its sartorial emphasis, this letter demonstrates a level of emotional restoration, or resilience, especially after what Peirs and his men had just been through only five days before. The emphasis on creature comforts, complaining about tough roads, the postscript about his father’s driving, etc., these are ways in which Peirs not only communicated his experiences to loved ones, but looked after his own emotional well-being through writing to them. In order to be an effective officer – now an effective commander of his battalion – he had to demonstrate certain qualities to his men. Alexander Watson writes, ‘Steadfastness, skill and reasoned bravery were all officer qualities respected by other ranks because they reduced the subjective impact of danger and uncontrollability’ (114). Peirs was learning these traits on the job as he began recovering from battle earlier in the week. For more reading on soldier morale, coping mechanisms, and endurance, see Alexander Watson’s Enduring the Great War.

http://jackpeirs.org/letters/2-october-1915/
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Letters Home - 2 October 1915: From DB Keith on the Western Front to his Family in Thurso

One day in September 1915 David Barrogill Keith and his fellow officers were summoned to the Quartermaster’s Stores at Stobs training camp in the Borders and asked their religion, so that they could receive a proper burial if required. They were then told that they were being sent to the Western Front.

The Battle of Loos, which had begun on 25 September, was drawing to a close, and men were urgently needed to replace those who had become casualties. (The battle had proved a disaster for the British and Commonwealth troops – by the time the battle finally petered out they would have lost over 40,000 casualties to the Germans’ 26,000.)

In this letter home to his family in Thurso, DB Keith explains why he was unable to visit them before his departure, and discusses rumours of the war. Presciently, he sums up the futility of trench warfare in a few sentences (“What is a gain of 200 or even 600 yards, or even 1 mile or 2 miles. If we have only made ’em give ground we have gained nothing in the wide world”). The “Tain crowd” he refers to were the other officers at a training camp at Tain.

A day or two later he would be at Etaples in France, preparing to move up to the front.


2 October 1915, Royal Pavilion Hotel, Folkestone

My dear Mother,

I have arrived here on my way to France. We got word late on Thursday evening that we were ordered off. We had no previous warning of any kind. A wire had indeed come asking for all the names of officers fit to command active service platoons but our reply had not reached Headquarters when we were ordered off. There are 21 of us in all. We expect to be sent to different regiments.

I saw Mildred in Edinburgh on Friday morning & Jul. in London this morning. I had of course no time to go north.

I am just writing this prior to catching the boat across, so have not time to say much.

There are several rumours of war. One is that we are to make a new landing at Ostend. Another that no more drafts are to be sent across later this year as K. [Kitchener] wants all his men across now. What the reason of this sudden bustle is I don’t know. I only know that the TAIN crowd are here too & from everywhere there are crowds of officers so it may be that the hour has struck when K. & Joffre have determined to make the beginning of the end.

Personally I fear not. It seems to me that things are pretty black. What is a gain of 200 or even 600 yards, or even 1 mile or 2 miles. If we have only made ’em give ground we have gained nothing in the wide world. The time will be when one or other drives a wedge clean through the other’s line. Then the war will be decided.

Meantime I must close. You might make up my comforter & balaclava helmet – 2 [pairs] socks 1 [pair] or 2 [pairs] woollen gloves & send them when I know my address.

You might also get Donnie to send me every week 50 gold plated cigarettes – as soon as I am settled.

Meantime hoping everyone is well & don’t worry too much as worry won’t help.

With love to all,

From,

DB Keith

https://www.highlifehighland.com/nucleus-nuclear-caithness-archives/letters-home-1-2-october-1915/
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WALTER DRAYCOTT’S GREAT WAR CHRONICLE
North Vancouver Museum & Archives

Saturday 2 October 1915 - On Guard at the Billet which lasts till 6 pm when we again get orders to go back to the trenches. Detailed in sections old soldiers and young ones go together for sentry. These trenches are only 25 to 50 yards away from the Germans so one has to be careful in the day time. Passed a very miserable night. It froze hard. Awake all night and standing to our arms. We sniper and so do the Germans.

http://greatwarchronicle.ca/2015/10/02/saturday-2-october-1915/
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The Diary of Arthur L. Linfoot - 58th Field Ambulance, R.A.M.C.

2 October 1915; Saturday - Reveille at 6 o’clock instead of 5.30. Field Day [1]. We were shown how to put up a tent, and how to go out in stretcher parties, etcetera. Went into the town in the afternoon with Quinn and a chap called Crossland and had tea at Lyons’ café [2]. Went to Victoria Hall with Gurney, Quinn and Crossland and had a good time. Wet night. Received letter from Charlie to say he was going to start from Hitchin tomorrow night at 9 o’clock [3].

[1] “Field day”, now usually used metaphorically to describe a good day, is used here in its original, literal sense to mean a day spent in field activities.
[2]J. Lyons & Co., the same company as also famously imported tea, had a large and very successful nationwide chain of cafés. There would have been a Lyons’ café in most large towns at this time. Interestingly, though irrelevantly, Lyons was also the first company anywhere to incorporate computers into its business operations, which it did in the early 1950s. Lyons’ computing efforts were so successful that its computer business was later spun off, eventually forming part of ICL, now owned by Fujitsu.
[3] Charlie, having earlier joined the Royal Engineers, was about to be sent from Hitchin to the Dardanelles.


https://www.arthurlinfoot.org.uk/2015/10/02/2-October-1915-Saturday/
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